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The Four Quadrants of American Politics
The Four Quadrants of American Politics, Ronald Brownstein, The Atlantic
Why Congress doesn’t work

Sorting congressional districts by racial diversity and education produces the “four quadrants of Congress”: districts with high levels of racial diversity and white education (“hi-hi” districts), districts with high levels of racial diversity and low levels of white education (“hi-lo districts”), districts with low levels of diversity and high levels of white education (“lo-hi districts”), and districts with low levels of diversity and white education (“lo-lo districts”). (The analysis focuses on the education level among whites, and not the entire population, because education is a more significant difference in the political behavior of white voters than of minority groups.)

Looking at the House through that lens shows that the GOP has become enormously dependent on one type of seat: the “lo-lo” districts revolving around white voters without a college degree. Republicans hold 142 districts in that category (making up nearly two-thirds of the party’s House seats), compared with just 21 for Democrats.

The intense Republican reliance on this single type of mostly white, blue-collar district helps explain why the energy in the party over recent years has shifted from the small-government arguments that drove the GOP in the Reagan era toward the unremitting culture-war focus pursued by Donald Trump and Florida Governor Ron DeSantis. Many of the most militantly conservative House Republicans represent these “lo-lo” districts—a list that includes Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia, Lauren Boebert of Colorado, Matt Gaetz of Florida, Ralph Norman of South Carolina, and Scott Perry of Pennsylvania.

“The right accuses the left of identity politics, when the analysis of this data suggests that identity politics has become the core of the Republican Party,” Pastor told me.
Louis DeJoy's Surprising Second Act
Louis DeJoy's Surprising Second Act, Eric Cortellessa, Time
Louis DeJoy thought his workday was done as he arrived home one evening in February 2022. The Postmaster General was locked in a grueling, monthslong battle with Congress over a bill to shake up the Postal Service. But as he settled in, his cell phone rang and, pulling it out, he saw who was calling and could already guess why. It was Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer. The second most powerful Democrat in America wanted to know how the whip count was coming.

As it happened, the count was coming along very nicely. DeJoy may be best known as the Trump-era GOP megadonor the left accused of meddling with mail-in voting to subvert the 2020 election. But by the time Schumer called him on that frigid winter night, DeJoy was on his way to convincing congressional Republicans—120 in the House and 29 in the Senate—to buy into a lengthy Democratic wish list of postal reforms. When President Joe Biden signed the landmark legislation into law two months later, it guaranteed a union-friendly version of six-day mail service and stabilized health coverage for the 650,000 USPS employees. “There’s no way we could have gotten [the] votes without Louis DeJoy,” says Jim Sauber, the chief of staff for the National Association of Letter Carriers at the time. “That’s for sure.”
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Could the GOP Divide Over Ukraine Become a Lasting Split?
Could the GOP Divide Over Ukraine Become a Lasting Split?, Amanda Carpenter, The xxxxxx
Russia’s invasion of its democratic neighbor must matter more than ‘woke’ culture wars.

In a sign of how rapidly Republican opinion can shift, House Speaker Kevin McCarthy is no longer quite the Ukraine supporter he was a month ago when McConnell made these remarks. But even so: How can what [FL Gov. Ron] DeSantis said be made compatible with what [Sen. Minority Leader Mitch] McConnell told the world?

Currently recovering from an injury, McConnell has not responded directly to DeSantis’s latest Ukraine statement. But, following McConnell’s lead within the party on the issue, a number of other prominent Republicans have separated themselves from DeSantis’s decision to join the surrender caucus, including Mike Pence, Nikki Haley, Liz Cheney, and a clutch of GOP senators.
This sleeper race could wreck MAGA’s 2024 dreams
This sleeper race could wreck MAGA’s 2024 dreams, Greg Sargent, Washington Post
Wisconsin looms large in the MAGA transformation of American politics. Of the three “blue wall” states that Donald Trump flipped in 2016, Wisconsin was the toughest for Democrats to take back in 2020. Winning there — more than Michigan or Pennsylvania — is the most likely starting point for Trump or another MAGA presidential candidate to assemble an electoral majority in 2024.

That’s why a race for Wisconsin state Supreme Court — Election Day is April 4 — has extraordinarily high stakes. A Democratic win would deal a big blow to the MAGA movement’s 2024 hopes, underscoring its dramatically weakened hold on must-win territory once dominated by Trump. That outcome would give liberals a 4-3 majority on a court that could thwart any rerun of Trump’s 2020 effort to overturn his loss by legal chicanery
The Impact of Abortion on 2022 and Beyond
The Impact of Abortion on 2022 and Beyond, Amy Walter, Cook Political Report
For much of the fall, there was a rolling debate as to whether rising costs and inflation or abortion would be more salient in the upcoming midterm election. By early November, it looked as if the economic concerns would win out.

In the end, both issues mattered to voters, but abortion mattered most to the kinds of swing voters who Republicans should have been able to win over, given President Biden's low approval ratings and the real-life squeeze rising prices were having on voters.

In post-election surveys and focus groups, the GOP polling firm Public Opinion Strategies (POS), in collaboration with Arizona-based Horizon Strategies, found that swing independent women were not only turned off by the GOP position on abortion, but didn't see the Republican Party as stronger on the economy either…

In a recent interview for our new podcast "The Odd Years," Democratic pollster Anna Greenberg told me that "the gender gap with independents [was] huge" in 2022 not because these voters didn't prioritize inflation but because "being scared about what was gonna happen to the country for the folks who voted Democratic mattered more than inflation."

Overall, said Greenberg, "I think the existential threat of Republicans to Democrats as it was presented in Dobbs, but it wasn't just Dobbs, drove turnout, drove voting Democratic, drove particularly independent women voting."
Threatening a U.S. default was bad before. Now, it’s colossally idiotic.
Threatening a U.S. default was bad before. Now, it’s colossally idiotic., Catherine Rampell, Washington Post
A plea to lawmakers: If it was a bad idea to threaten default on U.S. debt before, it would be astoundingly, colossally idiotic now.

Recent financial-market turmoil — in regional U.S. banks, as well as some of the larger European institutions — suggests there might be much more fragility in the financial system than previously understood. In a sane world, politicians might respond to this new information constructively.

They might, for instance, figure out what they could do to ensure that financial regulators detect vulnerabilities at significantly sized banks sooner.

Politicians might also take some modest actions to combat inflation themselves, so that less of the burden of dampening demand falls on the Federal Reserve’s interest-rate increases — which are part of the reason we’re seeing stresses in the financial system today.
The Worst Covid Strategy Was Not Picking One
The Worst Covid Strategy Was Not Picking One, Bloomberg Opinion
The lessons of the pandemic are clearer in a global comparison.

Bloomberg Opinion assessed countries by excess deaths, a measure of actual deaths compared to expected deaths during a given period. It’s considered the most objective metric, because it doesn’t rely on access to tests (which might be unequal) or judgment calls (did Covid really kill this person, or was it a heart attack?).

Then we distilled the list down to seven with strong lessons for the next pandemic.

–57: New Zealand fared the best, teaching us that geographical advantages matter, but so does clear, consistent leadership.

+962: Singapore showed that deciding when to end successful restrictions is never an obvious call.

+1,495: Sweden proved that shoring up wealth, health and social infrastructure before an outbreak can significantly lower the human cost of pursuing a more relaxed strategy.
Russia’s friends are a motley--and shrinking--crew
Russia’s friends are a motley—and shrinking—crewThe Economist
They are a coalition of the failing; the Soviet Remembrance Society; and a gang of opportunists

One way to think about the universe of countries with links to Russia is to group them into three categories: a “coalition of the failing”; the “Soviet remembrance society”; and an “axis of opportunists”.

THE B TEAM
Start with the coalition of the failing. Vladimir Putin is fond of quoting Tsar Alexander III: “Russia has just two allies: the army and the navy.” That is closer to the truth than Mr Putin might like. On paper Russia has five formal allies in the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (csto): Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. All are bound by treaty to come to each other’s aid if attacked. Yet not one csto member has backed Russia’s war in Ukraine with troops, though Belarus has let itself be used as a military base.

Instead, some csto members are trying to distance themselves from the war. Armenia is angry that the 3,500 Russian troops on its territory did not come to its aid during a war with Azerbaijan in 2020. It has refused to host this year’s csto war games, and now seems to be hedging its bets when it comes to political patrons, by inviting an eu mission to monitor its border with Azerbaijan.
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