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While the idea of collective security in the Gulf does not appeal to Western governments—and their military-industrial complexes—it is in the interests of the Persian Gulf states and their populations. As a result, the idea is bound to gain traction with policy-makers in the region as an apt alternative that fosters the need for greater cooperation and avoiding insecurity in the oil hub.
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Congress has, in the past, passed laws which impose penalties on the Palestinians for bringing cases to international legal bodies. It is doing as much as it can to oppose BDS. If the U.S. is impeding non-violent Palestinian responses while doing nothing to curtail Israeli impunity, just what kind of response are they steering the Palestinians towards? The answer is obvious and should be of concern to all of us.
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by Giorgio Cafiero and Andreas Paraskevopoulos
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The Saudis might see the time between now and the November 2020 election as a narrowing window of opportunity for Riyadh to take full advantage of Trump’s presidency and his pro-Saudi stances on sensitive issues. If so, the upcoming 16 months could be particularly dangerous for Yemen.
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Imperialism as we once knew it may be no more, but it exists in a reformulated version of its original goals. However, as always in international affairs, expansion or exertion of force or power stimulates resistance—and Iran is resisting. Until this dynamic is fundamentally altered, this pathology will not be expunged, and Iran and the West will remain firmly lodged in the choppy seas of conflict and crisis.
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Punishing Turkey through legislation is not and will never be a smart strategy. In fact, it is a strategic mistake that will eventually push Turkey towards further alignment with Russia. The U.S. has already lost its game of “chicken” with Turkey over the S-400. It is time for U.S. institutions to reconsider their approach toward Turkey and try to understand the changing dynamics of Turkish foreign policy and security considerations.
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The UAE has been testing the limits of its alliance with the U.S. by establishing stronger relations with both China and Russia. While U.S. policy helps to explain the UAE’s shifting allegiances, it is also the case that the UAE’s interests are better served when it can strengthen its strategic partnerships with other world powers.
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To achieve a shift in its foreign policy, Iranian leaders must move beyond the revolutionary framework as the basis of their legitimacy. They should replace anti-imperial struggle and Palestinian liberation with ensuring Iran’s survival, its territorial integrity, and its economic and social development. They also must realize that independence does not mean self-isolation. No country, no matter how powerful, is totally independent, especially in a globalized age.
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Yemen was supposed to yield to overwhelming power. Qatar was supposed to collapse under siege. Iran was supposed to fold when faced with maximum economic pressure. There are major shifts in the balance of power underway in the Persian Gulf. They are not what the Trump administration anticipated.
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The recent votes are a monumental step forward toward Congress reasserting its war powers and preventing the war that is the logical conclusion of Trump’s Iran policy. Given that Trump was only a few minutes away from bombing Iran just weeks ago, these votes are a welcome signal that Congress is finally listening to the American public who, as it turns out, care deeply about foreign policy and are unequivocally opposed to a U.S. war with Iran.
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Although the fate of the JCPOA will ultimately not be decided in the European Parliament, the debate was indicative of where the European sentiment lies on the matter. The political message was unmistakable: the EU, both collectively and on national levels, should step up its game to save the nuclear agreement with Iran in order to avoid a war in Europe’s neighborhood.
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