[The possibilities of an “organizer-in-chief.” Sanders is the
only presidential candidate who has put forward a genuine Green New
Deal, to radically remake the economy to serve ordinary people. One of
two cover stories of our dual-sided January issue]
[[link removed]]

WHAT A BERNIE SANDERS PRESIDENCY WOULD LOOK LIKE  
[[link removed]]


 

Daniel Denvir
January 7, 2020
In These Times
[[link removed]]


*
[[link removed]]
*
[[link removed]]
*
* [[link removed]]

_ The possibilities of an “organizer-in-chief.” Sanders is the
only presidential candidate who has put forward a genuine Green New
Deal, to radically remake the economy to serve ordinary people. One of
two cover stories of our dual-sided January issue _

If Bernie Sanders wins...This is one of two cover stories of the In
These Times dual-sided January issue.,

 

WE HAVE A DECADE TO TRANSFORM THE U.S. ECONOMY TO STAVE OFF CLIMATE
CATASTROPHE, and Bernie Sanders has the only agenda to do so and the
only mobilization strategy to get it done. No plan for a better future
is worthwhile if environmental crisis renders our future unimaginably
bleak. [This is one of two cover stories of our dual-sided January
issue.]

As Naomi Klein notes
[[link removed]],
this planetary emergency “entered mainstream consciousness” in the
1980s as the Right and big business launched an “ideological war …
on the very idea of the collective sphere.” To take the collective
action needed to phase out fossil fuels, our next president must build
a foreign policy of radical cooperation alongside a new domestic
politics of inclusion—or else witness a racist, nationalist,
far-right politics expand its divisive power.

Sanders is the only presidential candidate who has put forward
a genuine
[[link removed]] Green New Deal,
a plan to radically remake the economy to serve ordinary people rather
than just “greening” the economic system that threatens to end
human society as we know it. His Green New Deal would dismantle the
fossil fuel industry and put a renewable energy system under
democratic control, working with governments around the world to
achieve what the science demands.

Sanders’ proposals go beyond piecemeal liberal solutions by
targeting the unjust economic system that fuels climate change and
pushing an agenda that simultaneously empowers workers and saves the
planet. This agenda would help millions of workers join unions, give
workers an ownership stake in major corporations, provide universal
healthcare and tuition-free higher education, build millions of
affordable homes and protect (rather than target) immigrants.

Though President Sanders could execute parts of this agenda on his
own, much of it would require Congress. How could it pass, given
Republican extremism and likely pushback from even a
Democrat-controlled House and Senate? The question poses a serious
problem for any program that meets our challenge. And it is one
Sanders is uniquely positioned to solve.

Sanders understands that change at this scale will require mass
movements to pressure Congress and every level of government—and to
change their composition. Americans isolated and atomized by cutthroat
capitalism must engage in massive collective action. His political
program isn’t just about policy, then, but about the capacity of
ordinary people to participate in democracy. This disruption includes,
critically, his plans to facilitate direct participation
[[link removed]] in decisions
from our workplaces to our energy systems, shifting the balance of
power in our society. No one contends that Sanders alone will spark,
let alone be, a mass movement. The Sanders campaign slogan, “Not Me.
Us.,” conveys precisely that. Sanders, as he puts it
[[link removed]],
is “gonna be organizer-in-chief.”

Sanders’ Green New Deal plan, which builds on the resolution
[[link removed]] introduced
by Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) and Sen. Ed Markey
(D-Mass.), will take massive organization to make a reality. His plan
alone among Democratic candidates takes seriously the massive public
spending ($16.3 trillion, to be exact, much more than Sen. Elizabeth
Warren proposes [[link removed]])
needed to reach 100% renewable electricity and transportation by 2030
with full decarbonization by 2050, a reorientation of public
priorities (diverting
[[link removed]] $1.215
trillion from “military spending on protecting the global oil
supply”), the creation
[[link removed]] of
20 million jobs, and unprecedented levels of public-sector
coordination and social mobilization. Sanders is the only candidate
who identifies the private ownership of energy as a core problem
[[link removed]],
calling out the “greed” in our for-profit system, from
investor-owned utilities like California’s Pacific Gas and Electric
Co. to the fossil fuel companies that collect billions
[[link removed]] in
federal subsidies while contaminating the planet. Saving the planet
is impossible without heightening class conflict.

Sanders’ critics who say he would never be able to get much done
[[link removed]] simply
haven’t been paying attention: Sanders’ record of connecting
[[link removed]] to
mass mobilizations and dramatically reshaping
[[link removed]] public
debates sets him apart. Before he ran in 2016, for example, Medicare
for All was deemed a pipe dream; now, it’s a center
[[link removed]] of
attention. Unlike Warren
[[link removed]],
who in her constant equivocation has managed to elicit criticism from
all directions, Sanders pledges to introduce Medicare for
All legislation
[[link removed]] during his first
week in office. And he has responded to the mainstreaming of Medicare
for All by pushing politics in yet more radical directions.

The fight of this generation depends not only on putting forth good
policies but on a powerful revival of collective politics. With
control of the White House, Sanders and the movements rallied around
him could do huge things. 

Democratic presidential primary candidate Sen. Bernie Sanders (Vt.)
and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) unveil a 10-year, $180
billion proposal for zero-emissions public housing as part of their
Green New Deal on Nov. 14, 2019, in Washington, D.C.
Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images  //  In These Times
SINCE THE 1970S, American politics has been stunted
[[link removed]] by
neoliberal governance, which invokes “free markets” to protect
capital from democratic control and grind down the unions that once
checked corporate power. Many came to believe change is impossible,
even as capitalism’s costs shifted onto ordinary people and
exploited their social bonds to keep the broken system from going off
the rails. Young people must borrow
[[link removed]] for
education against their future and their parents’ assets; women can
be trapped in abusive relationships because of expensive childcare,
low wages and high rents.

Sanders takes neoliberalism’s atomizing points of domination and
transforms them into a set of demands for collective freedom, with
policies like Medicare for All, free
[[link removed]] public
higher education, universal 
[[link removed]]childcare
and pre-K, and the abolition of student
[[link removed]] and medical
[[link removed]] debt.
These policies would help break the cycle of privatized financial
burden and, in doing so, free people to engage in more radicalized
struggle.

Sanders’ homes guarantee
[[link removed]] and Green New Deal
for Public Housing
[[link removed]],
introduced with Ocasio-Cortez, would deliver direct economic benefits
while empowering the working class and cutting carbon emissions. Real
estate assets, as of 2017, were worth an estimated $228 trillion, “a
more valuable asset class than all stocks, shares and securitized debt
combined,” according
[[link removed]] to
Savills World Research. As such, they have been a key driver of
inequality and household indebtedness. Real estate speculation also,
of course, helped spark
[[link removed]] the
global financial crash of 2008.

Building 10 million permanently 
[[link removed]]affordable
homes, investing in shared equity homeownership models like community
land trusts, enacting nationwide rent control, and upgrading and
expanding public housing with local renewable energy would be
revolutionary in a country where more than 500,000 people
[[link removed]] are
homeless on any given night, tens of millions pay more than a third or
even half their income
[[link removed]] in
rent, and poor people live under the continual threat of eviction.
Making housing affordable would make people less urgently dependent on
their paychecks. Sanders also pledges
[[link removed]] to
attack the residential segregation and gentrification that consign
poor, racialized communities to second-class schools, insecure housing
and subpar public services.

Our economic system is protected by racist repression, which divides
ordinary people and scapegoats people of color, foreigners and,
increasingly since the 9/11 attacks, Muslims. Sanders’ programs
break down these barriers and defend immigrant labor rights against
boss abuses. His core universal social programs, Medicare for All and
College for All, are truly universal, available regardless of
immigration status.

“Bernie’s immigration plan
[[link removed]] is
revolutionary,” Sanders’ Latino Press Secretary Belén Sisa says,
because it identifies undocumented immigrants as us rather than them.
Sanders denounces exploitative corporations as enemies of all workers,
foreign and U.S.-born alike, a rejection of nativist politics long
organized around the demonization of immigrants as a threat to jobs
and welfare benefits.

Sanders’ legislative priorities
[[link removed]] include
expanding immigration visas to reunite families and providing
citizenship to the overwhelming majority of undocumented Americans.
Critically, Sanders rejects the immigration reform model
[[link removed]] of
the George W. Bush and Obama years, in which establishment politicians
increased deportations and militarized the border in a bid to garner
right-wing support for a path to citizenship that never passed.

In fact, Sanders has said he would use executive actions
[[link removed]] to
reverse this trend, no congressional approval necessary—by placing a
moratorium on deportations, offering permanent protection to many
undocumented immigrants and raising the refugee cap—ending the
long-standing bipartisan war on “illegal immigrants” that
mainstreamed nativism. Notably, his legislative agenda includes a bold
new program for climate refugees.

Sanders’ immigration politics reflects his movement’s maximally
expansive definition of the American people. His pledge to
finally protect
[[link removed]] LGBTQ people from
discrimination in housing, the workplace and public accommodations
does the same. Another example is his pledge to not only support
[[link removed]] abortion as a legal
right but make it freely available through Medicare for All.

Sanders’ universalism extends to the fight against the mass social
death imposed by mass incarceration. Policing and prisons have been
used to discipline, control and warehouse poor people, especially
communities of color, pushed to the margins under neoliberalism. The
majority of prisoners are incarcerated at the state level, so what a
president can do is limited. But Sanders can still make change,
including by reforming the federal system. While Sanders should do
better and shift his position to support sex work decriminalization,
his plans
[[link removed]] are
solid: He seeks to end mandatory minimum sentences, withhold money
from states that refuse to end cash bail (which incarcerates people
for being poor), grant voting rights to prisoners and triple spending
on indigent defense. Importantly, he pledges to end programs like
287(g) and Secure Communities that have turned local law enforcement
into proxy ICE agents. Sanders’ agenda is comprehensively about our
freedom from bosses, debt, landlords, ICE and prisons—and from
fossil-fueled catastrophe, which is the freedom that guarantees all
others.

“Start investing in your workers,” Bernie Sanders demands of
General Motors, in front of striking members of the United Auto
Workers, outside GM’s Detroit-Hamtramck assembly plant Sept. 25,
2019.
Photo by Bill Pugliano/Getty Images  /  In These Times
UNIONS REMAIN THE UNRIVALED VEHICLE FOR BUILDING WORKER POWER, but
Democrats have long failed to deliver for organized labor. Sanders’
commitment would be without precedent: He pledges to double
[[link removed]] the number
of union members during his first term.

Sanders backs neglected
[[link removed]] Democratic
goals like card check—the ability to form unions with a simple
majority of workers’ signatures—as well as measures to make labor
actions more powerful, like banning the permanent replacement of
strikers and allowing “secondary boycotts,” in which workers in a
labor dispute pressure other companies to stop doing business with
their employer. What makes Sanders unique is his track record and our
trust he will actually fight for workers.

Sanders’ labor plan also stands out with measures to bolster worker
power broadly
[[link removed]]. Ending
at-will employment would mean that workers could only be fired for
just cause, universalizing a cornerstone of union contracts.
Instituting wage boards would allow unions to work together to push
wages up across an industry, rather than fighting out contracts with
individual companies.

Imposing additional taxes on corporations
[[link removed]] corresponding
to their CEO-to-worker pay gap would progressively raise tax revenue
while curbing inequality. Giving workers the right to buy a company if
it closes, moves abroad or goes up for sale would tame hyper-mobile
capital. Ending stock buybacks would redirect capital from investors
and CEOs to workers and productive investments. Allocating workers at
large companies control of 45% of board seats and 20% of shares would
provide labor with new levers over corporate governance and check one
of the key drivers of wealth inequality.

In addition to these legislative goals, Sanders pledges to sign an
executive order placing a moratorium on all pension cuts and another
ending government contracts to companies that take a variety of
anti-worker actions. As Sanders told
[[link removed]] a
crowd of union members in Warren, Ohio, near the recently shuttered
Lordstown factory that produced the Chevy Cruze: “If entities like
General Motors think that they can throw workers out on the street
while they’re making billions of profit, and then move to Mexico and
pay starvation wages and then line up for federal contracts, they’ve
got another thing coming.”

•

TRANSFORMATIVE CHANGE OFTEN DEPENDS on disruptive mass movements:
Worker strikes [[link removed]] in the 1930s
created massive unions and forced the federal government to protect
them, the 20th-century Black freedom struggle broke
[[link removed]] racist
Southern politicians’ stranglehold, the gay liberation movement
eroded oppressive mores and defended the lives of HIV-positive people,
and the immigrant rights movement successfully curbed Obama’s
deportations. 

Today, young people are coming of age at a moment when
neoliberalism’s legitimacy is in tatters from the 2008 crisis. The
Great Recession revealed the status quo as fragile and intolerable,
and Occupy Wall Street [[link removed]], radical immigrant
rights activists and Black Lives Matter demanded a new politics in its
place.

One of the most unusual aspects of Sanders’ rhetoric is his
willingness to speak about how broken America is for so many: the
bills that never end, the debt that accumulates, the corporate
intrusion into every facet of life. As Briahna Joy Gray, Sanders’
national press secretary, said on her podcast
[[link removed]] _Hear
the Bern_, Bernie rallies are so passionate because “Bernie
articulates more clearly than any other candidate that the problems
facing everyday Americans are not the result of laziness or failure to
work hard; it’s because systems have been rigged to benefit the rich
at our expense.” Speaking that truth is a prerequisite for
transformation.

Generational experience is the motor of this new class politics: With
little chance of upward mobility, many young people are hell-bent on
something new and better, evidenced by the Democratic Socialists of
America becoming the largest
[[link removed]] and
most consequential socialist organization in over half a century. The
Left is winning electoral victories, from radical district attorneys
in Philadelphia
[[link removed]] and San
Francisco
[[link removed]] to
six socialists on Chicago’s
[[link removed]] city
council. Teachers strikes have soared
[[link removed]],
and healthcare and hotel workers have walked out in large numbers,
too.

“People are always befuddled in the early stages of a movement,”
says Frances Fox-Piven, co-author of the classic
[[link removed]] Poor _People’s
Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail_. “They don’t recognize
that it’s there. But it is here … teachers, nurses, service
workers generally are in strike mode. Whenever there’s a major
movement, it, in a sense, is contagious.” Fox-Piven emphasizes how
radical movements and politicians need one another:

Disruption doesn’t work unless there is a kind of electoral
resonance. A bloc of elected politicians [can] inspire the protesters
because it’s scary to be disruptive, dangerous. And it really helps
if you have political leaders who are echoing and enlarging the
demands of the protesters. That gives morale to the protest movement.
They think they can win. It’s also true that the existence of an
electoral bloc like that is important in restraining repression. And
finally, if the protesters actually win something as a result of the
disruption that they cause, they have to have people in positions in
government to fashion the concessions. So there’s a constant
feedback between the protest movement and their electoral bloc.

The congressional bloc we need is emerging in embryonic form with
leaders like Ocasio-Cortez and Reps. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) and Rashida
Tlaib (D-Mich.), all of whom have endorsed Sanders. Ocasio-Cortez
exemplifies how movements can win electoral power and, in turn,
strengthen movements: She came to political consciousness because of
her experience
[[link removed]] working
in the service industry, volunteering on the 2016 Sanders campaign and
supporting indigenous anti-pipeline water protectors at Standing Rock.

“While we have a plan and while we have an agenda to pass a Green
New Deal, to pass Medicare for All, to make public colleges
tuition-free … the thing is that these policies are not
self-enacting,” Ocasio-Cortez told
[[link removed]] a
Sanders rally in Council Bluffs, Iowa. “The only way that we achieve
and become an advanced society is not through a technocratic policy
proposal, but through a political revolution of working people.”

I asked Fox-Piven if this wouldn’t be rather hard to achieve.
“Very difficult,” she confirmed. “The movements have to take on
the fossil fuel industry and the financial sector. This should make
you gulp because they’re both powerful—and in the case of fossil
fuels, desperate—industries. But that’s our only path out of
extinction, isn’t it?”

Photo by Prince Williams/WireImage  //  In These Times
IT’S CLEAR THAT A RADICAL PRESIDENT CAN SHIFT a party’s center of
gravity: Republican public opinion— on immigration
[[link removed]], Russia
[[link removed]],
the FBI
[[link removed]]—has
rapidly moved to align with Trump’s views, and Republican
politicians have largely done the same. A Sanders presidency would
polarize the national debate in a similar way, pressuring Democratic
legislators to side with their leader over the inevitably fanatical
Republican opposition.

In fact, Sanders’ movement is already doing just that: No single
figure or force aside from Trump has done more to reframe the terms of
American politics over the past four years.

Sanders’ political rise emerged from (and accelerated) a crisis of
the centrist liberal establishment. Witness the elite panic and
personal arrogance that has sent Deval Patrick and Michael Bloomberg
rushing in to relieve and replace Joe Biden, their tottering
standard-bearer. Still, while the old world is dying, its replacement
with something better is not inevitable. A growing number of
college-educated white voters, for instance, are turning
[[link removed]] to
Mayor Pete Buttigieg, a former McKinsey consultant whose only
consistent belief is in his own greatness. When Sanders insists that
“we need to not only defeat Donald Trump, but to take back our
democracy from the corporate elite,” he is drawing a line in
the sand and indicting the status quo: If Democrats aren’t with the
people, then they’re standing against them.

Effective left populism requires a vision of the people and their
enemy. This movement’s enemies are the few: a greedy and
pathologically destructive billionaire class; the fossil fuel,
pharmaceutical, insurance and financial industries. By contrast, the
people contains multitudes: a diverse coalition of the working and
precarious middle classes. Though powered at present by mass youth
appeal, a Sanders victory could rapidly energize skeptical Gen X and
Boomer voters whose political horizons have shrunk under the
decades-long neoliberal onslaught.

Sanders’ program unifies the interests of working-class people
without erasing their differences. His deep support in the Latino
community and the remarkable enthusiasm he’s generated among Muslims
illuminate the contours of a potential realignment that puts those
most demonized by the xenophobic Right at the core of a powerful Left.
His October 2019 Queens, N.Y., rally
[[link removed]] with
Ocasio-Cortez emphasized the ethical basis of a political coalition
rooted in love and solidarity: “Take a look around you, and find
someone you don’t know,” Bernie told the crowd. “Maybe somebody
who doesn’t look kind of like you. Are you willing to fight for that
person as much as you’re willing to fight for yourself?”

Sanders’ plan
[[link removed]] to
win the general election in red states like West Virginia likewise
holds out the possibility that a multiracial working-class coalition
can subvert the social divide. When Sanders was asked whether West
Virginia Sen. Joe Manchin or Montana Sen. Jon Tester, both centrist
Democrats, would vote for his programs, his response was blunt.
“Damn right they will. You know why? We’re going to go to West
Virginia,” Sanders told
[[link removed]] CNBC.
“Your average politician sits around and he or she thinks:
‘Let’s see. If I do this, I’m going to have the big money
interests putting 30-second ads against me. So I’d better not do
it.’ But now they’re going to have to think, ‘If I don’t
support an agenda that works for working people, I’m going to have
President Sanders coming to my state and rallying working-class
people.’” That’s not fantastical. The working class in West
Virginia is restless, with a wildcat
[[link removed]] teachers
strike shaking the state in 2018 and sparking further walkouts in
Arizona and Oklahoma. A recent poll
[[link removed]] shows
that a full 69% of West Virginia voters continue to support teachers
striking for higher pay. The legislative agenda of any Democratic
president depends on a seismic political shift in enough red and
purple states that Democrats capture both the House and Senate, and
remaking the electoral map requires deepening these movements’
power. Sanders has already used his campaign database to push
[[link removed]] supporters
to the picket lines and could lead a far more massive mobilization
from the Oval Office. As sociologist Barry Eidlin notes
[[link removed]],
FDR’s signing of a 1933 law protecting unions helped spark mass
labor organizing in the 1930s, even though the law had no practical
enforcement mechanism. Imagine the power of a president using a
primetime address to offer his solidarity to a strike wave. It would
be historic—and transformative.

SANDERS PROMISES TO RESHAPE THE GLOBAL ORDER by exercising U.S. power
in pursuit of negotiated geopolitical settlements—above all, on the
environment. And nowhere does an American president have more concrete
power than in the realm of foreign policy and national security.

Unlike Elizabeth Warren, who has no substantive critique of American
empire, Sanders has straightforwardly denounced the
military-industrial complex, has long voted no on defense budgets, and
stands alone in his consistent support for making the United States a
partner to Global South struggles. In the 1980s, Sanders stood
[[link removed]] in
solidarity with Central American revolutionaries against the Reagan
administration’s bloody support of oligarchs. Recently,
Sanders cheered
[[link removed]] the
release from prison of Lula da Silva, Brazil’s former Workers’
Party president, and quickly denounced the November 2019 coup
[[link removed]] in
Bolivia for what it was.

The potential a president has to unilaterally reorder the global power
system has been demonstrated by none other than our current president.
His behavior has been so erratic that Saudi Arabia is reported to have
quietly reached out to Iran, hedging against the possibility that they
might one day be unable to rely on U.S. military protection. Imagine
what might be possible if Sanders, a relentless critic
[[link removed]] of
the Saudi royal family and the war it leads against Yemen, pushed for
a negotiated settlement among rival regional powers.

Sanders could likewise provide unprecedented hope for tipping the
balance in favor of the Palestinian liberation struggle. Though
imperfect on the issue, Sanders has broken with the pro-Israel
bipartisan consensus more than
[[link removed]] almost
any member of Congress.

U.S. foreign policy has long been driven by national security
concerns that in reality reflect not any “national interest” but
rather the interests of major corporations and the national security
state’s conventional wisdom. In 2015, Obama adviser David
Axelrod called
[[link removed]] Sanders
“tin-eared” for his repeated assertion that climate change was the
greatest threat to national security. The _Wall Street Journal_’s
Peggy Noonan called
[[link removed]] him
“slightly daffy.” “Some people laughed in 2015 when Bernie said
climate change is the most serious national security challenge we
face,” says Matt Duss, Sanders’ top foreign policy advisor. “No
one’s laughing now.”

As Sanders has stated
[[link removed]],
“Our endless entanglements in the Middle East have diverted crucial
resources and attention” away from addressing climate change.
Instead of more war, Sanders pledges $200 billion for the Green
Climate Fund to help the Global South adapt to the climate emergency.

U.S. willingness to commit to deep emissions cuts is a prerequisite
for convincing other nations to do the same, as international climate
negotiations are governed by a logic akin to that of nuclear
disarmament: No one wants to go first and be left vulnerable. China
must be convinced that a rapid transition will not undermine its
economy. Poor countries across the Global South must be assured they
will not simply be denied the fruits of fossil-fueled development
already enjoyed by the Global North.

Sanders was clear
[[link removed]] about
that at the September 2019 climate town hall: “I think we need a
president, hopefully Bernie Sanders, that reaches out to the
world—to Russia and China and India, Pakistan, all the countries of
the world—and says, ‘Guess what, whether you like it or not, we
are all in this together, and if you are concerned about the children
in your country and future generations, we’re gonna have to work
together. And maybe, just maybe, instead of spending a trillion and a
half dollars every single year on weapons of destruction designed to
kill each other, maybe we pool those resources, and we work together
against our common enemy, which is climate change.”

Neoliberalism has divided us across borders and atomized our personal
lives, leading us to blame ourselves for problems caused by a rigged
system. This moment demands a new politics that unites us to confront
our shared enemies and transform our society. Sanders consistently
argues, “Beating Trump is not good enough.” This is an
understatement. The world quite literally depends upon a political
revolution. And only Sanders has a plan for that. 

_This story was produced in collaboration with_ Jacobin
[[link removed]].

_[DANIEL DENVIR is author of All-American Nativism (forthcoming
from Verso) and host of The Dig on Jacobin Radio.]_

_The views expressed in this piece are the author's own. As a 501(c)3
nonprofit, In These Times does not oppose or endorse candidates for
political office._

_Reprinted with permission from In These Times
[[link removed]].
All rights reserved. _

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