![]() |
To ensure email delivery directly to your inbox, please add [email protected] to your address book and migrationpolicy.org to your safe senders list.
|
||||||||||||||
![]() |
|||||||||||||||
Also in the Newsletter Have You Read? Migration and Integration in Czechia: Policy Advances and the Hand Brake of Populism Pushing Out the Boundaries of Humanitarian Screening with In-Country and Offshore Processing The Emigration of Health-Care Workers: Malawi’s Recurring Challenges Keep up with the Source Subscribe Not on the list? Continue receiving these updates by subscribing today. RSS Feed Follow MPI
Integrating Refugees and Asylum Seekers into the German Economy and Society: Empirical Evidence and Policy Objectives By Herbert Brücker, Philipp Jaschke, and Yuliya Kosyakova USCIS Fee Increase Proposed Rule Could Represent the Latest Step in Reshaping Immigration to United States By Jessica Bolter and Doris Meissner Beyond Work: Reducing Social Isolation for Refugee Women and Other Marginalized Newcomers By Natalia Banulescu-Bogdan |
Allegations that Croatian authorities abused migrants at the country’s borders have cast a shadow over Croatia’s ascension this month to the presidency of the European Union Council, a six-month rotating position that puts it at the helm of the bloc’s legislative process, among other responsibilities. While Croatia promises a “strong Europe in a world of challenges,” the renewed scrutiny for perpetrating violence against migrants and asylum seekers could complicate the country’s goals for its presidency and entry into the eurozone. For more than two years, abuses have been documented along the Balkan route, a pathway migrants established to reach central and northern Europe. After Hungary built a wall along its southern border with Serbia and Croatia to block arrivals in late 2015, the Balkan route became a viable option, despite the harsh topography and limited services available to migrants and asylum seekers. Beginning in Greece, migrants travel overland through Albania, Montenegro, and Bosnia and Herzegovina before reaching Croatia, where many face intimidation, pushback, forced expulsion, and violence. Amnesty International estimates one-third of those transiting through Croatia experienced violence at the hands of Croatian police or border authorities. The intimidation and abuse serve to discourage refugees from applying for asylum in Croatia or continuing their journeys to central or northern Europe, and usually end in forced removal to Bosnia and Herzegovina. “After they picked us up, they drove us to the border with Bosnia. They made us get out of the car one by one, and started beating us with batons and their fists … They told us to go and never come back to Croatia,” one migrant said. Croatia repeatedly denied abuse had taken place, but last July, President Kolinda Grabar-Kitarovic acknowledged “a little bit of force” was necessary. And since her admission, more recent acts of violence have been committed: in November 2019, a migrant was shot while crossing into Croatia from Slovenia. After Croatia ascended to the EU Council presidency, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees called on the country to provide better refugee protection and improve its asylum system; Human Rights Watch went a step further, stating Croatia’s pushback of migrants should bar it from joining the Schengen area. But some observers note that Croatia’s approach to managing its borders has helped limit irregular migration to central and northern Europe, making the country “a reliable partner” in managing the European Union’s external border. Conservative President Grabar-Kitarovic lost her re-election bid to Zoran Milanović in a run-off election earlier this month. Despite voters’ endorsement of a center-left coalition and Croatia’s heightened role on the European and international stage, observers expect the country will hold fast to its current migration and border management policies, at least for now. Best regards, Alexandra Vranas-Carita Editor, Migration Information Source [email protected]
|