There have not been any causality reports regarding Iran’s missile attacks on two airbases in Iraq, and I continue to hope nobody was lost. Iran firing missiles themselves, rather than leaning on their more standard tactic of directing a proxy force to do their bidding, ratchets up what was already a serious national security crisis well beyond anyone’s comfort level.

While no American should mourn the passing of Soleimani, questioning the wisdom of conducting the drone strike is a valid and patriotic thing to do at this moment. The president has said without elaborating that Soleimani was planning “a very big attack and a very bad attack for us.”

Under normal circumstances, this type of justification may have been enough. But that’s not where we’re at today with an administration that conducts foreign policy by tweet, abandons our allies while cozying up to dictators, drives out top military and diplomatic personnel protesting a host of questionably motivated policy decisions, and misleads the American people on a daily basis. The public characterizations of the intelligence behind his claim haven’t inspired confidence and the president further undermines his own case with bombastic statements such as “I don’t need exit strategies.”

Last week after reports emerged of Soleimani’s death, Vice President Pence falsely tweeted about coordination between the 9/11 terrorist attackers and Soleimani, leading some to speculate he did so in order for this administration to apply the 2001 Authorization of Military Force (AUMF) to any military response without further consultation from Congress.

For eighteen years, our presidents have used the 2001 AUMF, signed by President Bush in wake of 9/11, to fight terrorism without further congressional debate, even as the conflict has evolved and changed. I’ve called on Congress to debate, and vote on, a new AUMF for our war against ISIS.

Neither the 2001 AUMF, nor an updated one, should apply to a war with Iran, and I applaud U.S. Senator Tim Kaine for standing up to demand a vote on military action with Iran and reasserting the Senate’s Constitutional role in decisions about war. It’s worth noting that Senator Kaine made the same non-partisan case when President Obama expanded military operations against ISIS to Syria.

Any decision to go to war should be made carefully and with deep consideration, and authorization to use force must be carefully crafted to address today’s threats and operational environment.

My likely opponent for the open U.S. Senate seat in Tennessee is former Ambassador Bill Hagerty, who is proud to have his campaign tweet-launched by the president and promises at every opportunity to be a blank check for this administration should he become a senator.

Tennesseans will have a clear choice in November between a blank check and a combat veteran who joined the U.S. Army to serve after we were attacked on 9/11. I earned an age waiver to go to flight school, learned how to fly a Black Hawk helicopter, and I did that in Iraq. I’ve been to war and seen the impact that multiple deployments have on troops and military families.

Patriotism in America has never been defined as blind obedience to authority. There are and will be times when war is necessary, and our Constitution requires those decisions be made with Congress and the American people. I’m running for U.S. Senate to stand up for what’s right and stand up to any president when they’re wrong.

Join me and say no to a war with Iran.

Thank you,

James