This is the Daily Media Update published by the Institute for Free Speech. For press inquiries, please contact [email protected].  
In the News

By Elizabeth Nolan Brown
.....Notably, the DISCLOSE Act requires disclosure of donors to the group even if they did not directly pay for or know about the group's public communications covered by this act.
This bill could prove especially tricky for donors to pro-choice groups as conservatives move to rewrite the legal framework around abortion and seize on communications that promote it. It could also prove detrimental to groups advocating for a number of controversial topics, such as sex work decriminalization, LGBTQ rights, or criminal justice reform...
Significant portions of the DISCLOSE Act "would violate the privacy of advocacy groups and their supporters—including those groups who do nothing more than speak about policy issues before Congress or express views on federal judicial nominees," said Institute for Free Speech president David Keating in July testimony before the Senate Committee on Rules and Administration.
The bill's "provisions are so complex and open to so many possible interpretations that our analysis of the provisions may well understate the chill this legislation might place on the exercise of our First Amendment rights," Keating added. "The best way to give the people a voice and to protect democracy is to protect and enhance the rights to free speech, a free press, assembly, and petition guaranteed by the First Amendment."
Congress
 
By Amy B Wang
.....In a procedural vote Thursday morning, the Senate failed to advance the Disclose Act on a 49-49 vote along party lines. No Republicans voted for it. At least 60 votes would have been required for the Senate to end debate on the bill and advance it…
Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) criticized the bill as “an insult to the First Amendment” and encouraged Republicans to vote against it Thursday.
“Today’s liberal pet priority is a piece of legislation designed to give unelected federal bureaucrats vastly more power over private citizens’ First Amendment rights and political activism, and to strip privacy away from Americans who speak out about politics in their private lives,” McConnell said before the vote.
Wall Street JournalThe Stifle Speech Act of 2022
By The Editorial Board
.....Using donor information for political intimidation isn’t new. In the Jim Crow South in the 1950s, Alabama’s attorney general sought the names of NAACP supporters. The civil-rights group declined to provide them and prevailed at the Supreme Court, which wrote that “compelled disclosure of affiliation with groups engaged in advocacy may constitute . . . a restraint on freedom of association” (NAACP v. Alabama, 1958).
ACLU senior legislative counsels Kate Ruane and Sonia Gill argued in the Washington Post last year that the disclosure of donors who give $10,000 to issues during an election cycle would “directly interfere with the ability of many to engage in political speech about causes that they care about” by “imposing onerous disclosure requirements on nonprofits committed to advancing those causes.”
Fewer people will participate in politics if the cost is protesters outside your home or being smeared on social media. For trade associations like the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the $10,000 amount will mean disclosure of many members that pay annual dues. For others the stakes could be even higher. Asking a 501(c)4 group that does political advocacy on China to disclose its donors puts the lives of donors and family members in China at risk.
The Courts
 
By Will Oremus and Cat Zakrzewski 
.....Florida’s attorney general on Wednesday asked the Supreme Court to decide whether states have the right to regulate how social media companies moderate content on their services. The move sends one of the most controversial debates of the internet age to the country’s highest court.
By Jason Willick
.....For a quarter-century, it appeared the law was settled: Silicon Valley’s internet platforms were private companies, full stop, with absolute control over what content to promote or suppress. As the platforms tightened political control over user speech in recent years, conservatives complained about “Big Tech Censorship,” but legal experts scoffed.
Scoffing will no longer suffice. Supposedly settled law can be altered when its political foundation erodes. Liberals now take a dimmer view of free speech than they did at the dawn of the tech era, while conservatives take a dimmer view of corporate power. That has created an opening for a frontal assault on the rules that govern America’s digital public square. Now the Supreme Court is being asked to weigh in.
.....On Tuesday, The Buckeye Institute joined an amicus brief urging the U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Alabama Northern Division to quash a Department of Justice subpoena served on the Eagle Forum of Alabama, which the Biden Administration issued in an effort to weaponize the civil litigation process “against organizations with whom the United States Government disagrees.”
“The Department of Justice certainly seems to be trying to intimidate organizations and chill their First Amendment-protected free speech by demanding confidential and constitutionally-protected documents,” said David C. Tryon, director of litigation at The Buckeye Institute’s Legal Center. “The Department of Justice’s shocking overreach in this case should worry and frighten all Americans, regardless of their political beliefs. If the DOJ can do this to the Eagle Forum of Alabama, it can and will do it to others with whom the government disagrees in the future.”
Nonprofits
 
By Kimberley A. Strassel
.....New York Times article this week confirmed a political reality that Republicans have been slow to publicize: Democrats are openly abusing charities to stack voter rolls in their favor. The Times story was ostensibly about “voter registration” groups worried that donors weren’t giving enough to “democracy-related” programs this midterm cycle. Read closely and you notice the story is entirely about Democrats, confirming a longstanding scheme by which foundations and private donors funnel tax-exempt dollars into “charities” that microtarget and register Democratic voters.
Online Speech Platforms

By David Cohen
.....Fundraising for your political campaign? Not on TikTok.
The video creation platform updated its policies on political accounts Wednesday, with the midterm elections in the U.S. just weeks away.
Political advertising was already banned on TikTok, both in the form of paid ads or creators being paid to produce branded content, and the platform is now applying those restrictions on an account level.
Accounts belonging to politicians and political parties will automatically have their access to advertising features turned off. They will also be prohibited from accessing monetization features such as ecommerce, gifting and tipping, and they will be ineligible for the TikTok Creator Fund.
And over the coming weeks, TikTok will revise its policies to forbid solicitation for campaign fundraising, including content such as a video from a politician asking for donations, or a political party directing people to a donation page on its website.
Candidates and Campaigns
 
By Madison Hall
.....For years, retirees supplied about $1 in every $10 that federal-level political candidates raised from those contributing more than $200.
But since the 2016 election cycle, they've represented an ever-greater share of politicians' campaign haul. By the 2020 election cycle, retirees accounted for more than $1 in every $5, amounting to more than $378 million.
Retirees' expanded influence coincides with the rapid increase in politicians fundraising by email and text message — and targeting older Americans with never-ending solicitations. 
The States
 
By David Ardia
.....The Supreme Court has not directly addressed whether election-related lies (or other forms of election misinformation) can be regulated by the government without violating the First Amendment. As a result, while the Court's First Amendment decisions provide a general framework for evaluating the constitutionality of state election-speech statutes, they leave a number of difficult issues unresolved, including whether election-related speech enjoys greater or lesser constitutional protection than speech in other contexts and whether the government has a sufficiently compelling—or even important— interest in curtailing or eliminating various unsavory election-speech practices. Our goal here is not to fully resolve these uncertainties, but merely to highlight the constitutional challenges current state statutes are likely to face and to potentially guide future legislative efforts in this area.
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