[The roots of the Supreme Court’s reversal of Roe go back 50
years, when zealots preaching a gospel of misogyny and
homophobia—led by an accused sexual predator—took over America’s
largest Protestant denomination.]
[[link removed]]

THE SOUTHERN BAPTIST CONVENTION’S DEAL WITH THE DEVIL  
[[link removed]]


 

Sarah Posner
September 3, 2022
The Nation
[[link removed]]


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[[link removed]]
*
[[link removed]]
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[[link removed]]

_ The roots of the Supreme Court’s reversal of Roe go back 50
years, when zealots preaching a gospel of misogyny and
homophobia—led by an accused sexual predator—took over America’s
largest Protestant denomination. _

, Josh Gosfield

 

In June, at the Southern Baptist Convention
[[link removed]]’s annual meeting in Anaheim, Calif., Albert
Mohler Jr [[link removed]]., the president of the
denomination’s flagship seminary and one of its leading theologians,
was asked whether he believed that women who have abortions should be
prosecuted for murder. Mohler acknowledged that there could be gray
areas, such as miscarriages, but came down on the side of
criminalizing women. “There are many cases in which, demonstrably,
there is not just an abortionist who should face criminal
consequences, but a woman seeking an abortion,” he said to applause.
“That is something we believe the law should pursue.” Law
enforcement could pursue such cases, he added, if the final version of
the Supreme Court’s opinion in _Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health
Organization_
[[link removed]],
eliminating the constitutional right to an abortion, resembled the
draft that had leaked in May.

_This article was produced in partnership with Type Investigations._

Ten days later, after the Supreme Court handed down its opinion,
Mohler celebrated the end of _Roe v. Wade _
[[link removed]]on
his daily podcast, _The Briefing_
[[link removed]]. The majority opinion, he
said, amounted to “a reversal of a revolution,” one that could
lead to the demise of other Supreme Court decisions reviled by the
Christian right, including _Obergefell v. Hodges_
[[link removed]], the 2015 decision enshrining
marriage equality as the law of the land. “I rejoice in this day,”
Mohler said, praising in particular a shift away from the influence of
Chief Justice John Roberts, who “was unwilling to stand with the
majority of conservative justices” to invalidate _Roe_. The
court’s center of power, Mohler continued, now rested with a
“resurgent conservative majority” led by Justice Samuel Alito
[[link removed]],
who, with his majority opinion, had “stuck a dagger in the heart of
liberal jurisprudence.”

Mohler’s jubilation over the death blow to liberal jurisprudence
echoes the recent history of his denomination, which underwent its own
right-wing radicalization in the 1980s and ’90s. Known to its
proponents as the “conservative resurgence
[[link removed]]”
(and to its critics as the “fundamentalist takeover”), the
radicalization of the Southern Baptist Convention (SBC) fueled the
rise of the modern religious right and its formal marriage to the
Republican Party. That transformation has reverberated throughout our
politics, as Southern Baptists have forged unprecedented alliances
with Catholics and other conservative Christians in a quest to drive
progressive advances back to the margins, much as they had driven
liberals out of their own denomination. In the years since the
takeover, the homophobic, transphobic, and patriarchal views cemented
in official Southern Baptist statements have become the gospel of the
denomination and its 14 million members, a bellwether for tens of
millions of other evangelicals, and the lodestar of the Republican
Party, whose leaders have sought the moral imprimatur of popular
Southern Baptist leaders. The reach of this regressive theology into
our national politics is now at a historic apex,
with _Dobbs_ energizing the right’s pursuit of ever more punitive
crackdowns on abortion and a revitalized offensive against LGBTQ
rights.

From the presidency of Ronald Reagan through that of Donald Trump,
Southern Baptist leaders played influential roles in blessing
Republican presidential candidacies, vetting Supreme Court justices,
and shaping policy. Just as the SBC’s conservatives seized control
of their own denomination, purging moderate pastors and churches, the
religious right took over the GOP, playing a key role in turning it
into today’s Trumpian party of white Christian nationalism
[[link removed]].

The history of the conservative resurgence begins in Texas,
where Paul Pressler
[[link removed]],
a Southern Baptist layman and state appellate court judge, and his
friend Paige Patterson, the president of Criswell College
[[link removed]], part of the influential First Baptist
Church in Dallas, set out to cleanse the denomination of attempts by
liberals to dilute the dogma of “biblical inerrancy.” As Pressler
told the journalist Bill Moyers
[[link removed]] in 1987, he became aware of
the alleged drift of Southern Baptist theology via a medium strikingly
familiar to any observer of the contemporary right’s backlash
against pluralism: textbooks. Pressler told Moyers that a student in
his Bible study group who attended Baylor University
[[link removed]], a Southern Baptist school in Waco, Tex.,
had told him that the freshman religion textbook said there were
errors in the Book of Daniel.

After investigating this supposed transgression, Pressler said, he
resolved to ensure that no one at the helm of any Southern Baptist
institution would ever again allow any suggestion that the Bible was
not 100 percent true. He traveled the country, urging Southern
Baptists to attend the denomination’s annual meeting and elect
leaders who would “make the proper appointments to change the
trustees so that the trustees could properly function in correcting
the problems at their institutions.”

Facing the facts: Anti-gay crusader Anita Bryant in Des Moines in
1977, after a gay rights activist threw a pie in her face. (Bettmann)

Pressler’s plan, executed with Patterson, would alter the course of
American politics. Pledges to respect “biblical inerrancy” became
the litmus test for leadership positions within the denomination. The
SBC also enforced traditional gender roles and barred women from
preaching. In 1979, Pressler advocated for the election of the
anti-gay crusader Anita Bryant
[[link removed]] to a
top leadership position within the denomination. This was two years
after Bryant had founded the organization Save Our Children
[[link removed]] to
force the repeal of a gay rights ordinance in Miami. (Her slogan
“Homosexuals cannot reproduce, so they must recruit” has been
revived in the form of Florida’s current “Don’t Say Gay” law,
also rooted in homophobic tropes that queer people “groom”
children.) Bryant lost the SBC race, which Pressler attributed to the
unwillingness of Southern Baptists to elect a woman to the post. But
Bryant’s anti-gay politics would become the cornerstone of the
religious right’s strategy for seizing power within the GOP.

By 1979, the year the religious right was coalescing around the
candidacy of Ronald Reagan (not a regular churchgoer) over the
reelection bid of Jimmy Carter (a liberal Southern Baptist Sunday
school teacher), the fundamentalist takeover of the SBC was complete.
For Southern Baptists like Moyers, it was a travesty and “alien to
my experience growing up” in his own church in Marshall, Tex. In his
1987 broadcast on the conservative resurgence, Moyers lamented the
expulsions of more liberal-minded churches and officials from the
denomination and the jettisoning of the Southern Baptist tradition of
respecting the line between church and politics. The
fundamentalists’ “determination to make one view of the
Bible—their view—the test of religious and political truth,”
Moyers said, was “radical, and for America it’s political
dynamite, because how Baptists read the Bible affects how they cast
their ballots.”

Pressler was lionized in Republican circles for his role in leading
the conservative resurgence. He joined the Council for National
Policy [[link removed]], the secretive, agenda-setting brain trust
of the right founded in 1981, serving as its president from 1988 to
1990. When President Reagan nominated Robert Bork
[[link removed]] for the
Supreme Court, Pressler and Patterson supported him and met with White
House staff to strategize. And in 1989, President George H.W. Bush’s
religious adviser, Doug Wead
[[link removed]], recommended Pressler for a
post as director of the Office of Government Ethics
[[link removed]], writing in a memo that Pressler possessed
“tremendous integrity and moral qualities” and that his nomination
“would send a strong signal” to evangelicals that “we want to
include their ideas, their values and their leaders in this
administration. A routine background investigation found unspecified
“ethics problems” with Pressler’s nomination, however, and it
was withdrawn. Yet Pressler retained his status as an elder statesman
in Republican and evangelical politics. In 2012, he hosted influential
conservatives at his Texas ranch, where they decided to endorse Rick
Santorum [[link removed]] for president. In
2015, Pressler endorsed Ted Cruz, saying he had known the rising
Republican star since he was a teenager.

The growing conservative Christian legal movement also sought
Pressler’s imprimatur for its efforts to build law schools that
would teach its approved version of jurisprudence. In 2007, Louisiana
College [[link removed]], a Southern Baptist school in
Shreveport, announced it was launching a law school that would be
named after Pressler. The school appointed religious right luminaries
like James Dobson, the founder of Focus on the Family
[[link removed]]; Tony Perkins, the
president of the Family Research Council
[[link removed]];
and Ted Cruz to its board. At a 2010 press conference announcing the
acquisition of a building for the school, Pressler said, “Law is the
way we maintain society, and without the Christian concept, and
without the Christian dedication, there is no way that democratic
government is going to operate effectively.” Pressler recognized
elected Republicans in the audience, including a young state
legislator from Texas, Bryan Hughes
[[link removed]], who, he
promised, would be an “outstanding Christian” lawmaker. (Hughes
would go on to become a coauthor of SB-8
[[link removed]], the
2021 Texas law that bans abortion at six weeks and offers a $10,000
bounty to private citizens who sue anyone who helps a person get an
abortion.) After raising $5 million, acquiring a building, and
starting construction, the college ultimately abandoned its plans for
the law school in 2014.

Richard Land [[link removed]], a protégé of
Pressler’s who was hired in 1988 to lead the SBC’s policy arm in
Washington, D.C., now known as the Ethics and Religious Liberty
Commission [[link removed]], became one of the leading public
figures in the religious right and one of the foremost advocates for a
full-on alliance between evangelicals and the Republican Party,
according to Aaron Weaver, a scholar of the Southern Baptist
Convention. Land became a go-to source for journalists looking for a
quote about evangelicals and politics, and _Time_ magazine named him
one of the country’s 25 most influential evangelicals in 2005, a
year considered a high point of evangelical influence in Washington
because of their proximity to the George W. Bush White House. When
Land left his post in 2013 amid controversies over alleged plagiarism
and racist comments, he was lauded within Southern Baptist circles for
his role in bringing the denomination’s opposition to abortion and
LGBTQ rights to the fore.

“No one in our lifetime has had a greater impact on the social and
ethical attitudes and actions of Southern Baptists than Richard
Land,” said Jimmy Draper
[[link removed]],
a former SBC president, in a keynote address at a 2013 dinner in
Land’s honor.

Other Pressler protégés have become powerful figures in the ongoing
effort to pull the Texas Republican Party ever rightward. Jared
Woodfill began practicing law with Pressler in the mid-2000s, after
Pressler retired from the bench. Pressler, Woodfill told me in 2017,
introduced him to Steven Hotze, a doctor, a supplier of dietary
supplements, and a Christian nationalist political activist; the pair
have used their organization, Conservative Republicans of Texas
[[link removed]],
to attack those Republicans who were insufficiently right-wing and to
condemn LGBTQ people as “perverts,” “deviants,” and
“sodomites.” Woodfill and Hotze were the architects of a 2014
anti-trans campaign in Houston that provided a template for anti-trans
activists across the country.

More recently, Hotze has embraced Trump’s lies and conspiracy
theories about a stolen election. In April, he was indicted for a
convoluted scheme in which he allegedly hired a former Houston police
officer to root out supposed voter fraud in the 2020 election.
Prosecutors said the former cop surveilled an air-conditioning
repairman he falsely believed was carrying ballots in the back of his
van and tried to run him off the road. Hotze has denied the
allegations. Woodfill, who is representing Hotze, did not respond to a
request for comment.

Pressler’s boys: Jared Woodfill (left) and Steven Hotze, architects
of the 2014 anti-trans campaign in Houston. (left: Eric Kayne / Getty
Images; right: Cliff Owen / AP)

Under the dominance of the conservative resurgence, a deeply
patriarchal orthodoxy on matters of gender roles took hold within the
SBC. In 1987, the denomination adopted a resolution stating that while
some women choose careers outside the home, homemakers “have
shown…unwavering commitment to their families and to the Lord who
has ordained the home as a workplace.” They deserved recognition
because they had “pleased our God by honoring His purposes in their
lives each day.”

In 1998, Southern Baptists amended their “Baptist Faith and
Message” statement for the first time in 35 years in order to
include a provision on wifely submission, written by Patterson’s
wife, Dorothy. The new language stated that a wife should “submit
herself graciously” to her husband, who “has the God-given
responsibility to provide for, to protect and to lead his family.”

Regressive positions on gender roles were accompanied by increasingly
extreme positions on abortion. In 1971, prior to the fundamentalist
takeover, the SBC had called for “legislation that will allow the
possibility of abortion under such conditions as rape, incest, clear
evidence of severe fetal deformity, and carefully ascertained evidence
of the likelihood of damage to the emotional, mental, and physical
health of the mother.” In 1976 it called for a limited government
role in “a very serious moral and spiritual problem.” Once the
takeover was underway, the resolutions progressed from calling for
legislation banning abortion except to save the mother’s life (1980)
to calling abortion a “national sin” (1984) to praying “for the
day when the act of abortion will be not only illegal, but also
unthinkable” (2003). By 2015, the SBC was officially calling
abortion a “genocide.” At the 2019 annual meeting, then–SBC
president J.D. Greear [[link removed]], widely seen as
representing a break from the style of the conservative resurgence’s
old guard, called abortion “the greatest moral crisis of our
generation.”

Southern Baptists also led the way in injecting homophobic theology
into public policy and legislative debates, wielding their influence
as the nation’s largest Protestant denomination, with the
theological clout to influence tens of millions of other evangelicals.
In official denominational statements, they repeatedly condemned
homosexuality as a “perversion,” “deviant behavior,” evidence
“of a depraved nature,” and “an abomination and shameful before
God.”

At a 2007 meeting, as Congress debated an anti-hate-crimes bill named
for Matthew Shepard [[link removed]], the gay
college student who was tortured to death in Wyoming in 1998, the SBC
adopted a resolution urging lawmakers and then-President George W.
Bush not to support the legislation because “the Bible is clear in
its denunciation of homosexual behavior.” Because of such biblical
teachings, they contended, “our Founding Fathers and early laws
opposed its practice in American society.” The resolution also
stated, invoking a well-worn trope, that a hate crimes law would be
used “to actively punish Christians who peacefully voice their moral
opposition to homosexual conduct.”

Bush responded by sending video greetings to the SBC gathering.
“You’re living out the call to spread the Gospel and proclaim the
Kingdom of God,” he said. “Thank you for your strong voice in the
public square.” The Matthew Shepard Hate Crimes Prevention Act
[[link removed]] did
not become law until 2009, when Barack Obama was president.

Eyes right: Long before they had the power to vet judges and bless
presidential candidates, the Southern Baptists underwent their own
“conservative resurgence.” (clockwise from top left: Paul Moseley
/ Star-Telegram via AP; Ed Reinke; Michael Stravato / AP; Eric Gay /
AP; CQ Roll Call via AP; David Howells / Corbis via Getty Images;
Matthew Cavanaugh / Getty Images)

On August 12, more than 40 years into the SBC’s march toward
imposing its homophobic, patriarchal theology on American politics and
law, the denomination revealed that the Department of Justice was
investigating allegations of sexual abuse against members of its
clergy. The announcement came three months after a blistering report,
prepared by the independent consulting firm Guidepost Solutions
[[link removed]], documented over two decades of
sexual abuse (including rape), cover-ups, and the mistreatment and
intimidation of survivors. The SBC had retained Guidepost under
pressure, following the publication of an explosive
2019 investigation
[[link removed]] by
the _Houston Chronicle _
[[link removed]]and _San
Antonio Express-News _
[[link removed]]that
documented hundreds of instances of abuse. The Guidepost investigators
found that Southern Baptist leaders had kept a secret database of
convicted sex offenders within their fold—but had never told the
churches where they worked as employees or volunteers, an effort to
protect perpetrators and shield the denomination and churches from
lawsuits. The report implicated some of the most powerful Southern
Baptist religious and political leaders, either for engaging in sexual
assault themselves, covering up abuse by others, or vilifying
survivors and their advocates as perpetrators of, as one put it, “a
satanic scheme to completely distract us from evangelism.”

The sexual abuse—which dated back decades, to before the period
covered by the Guidepost report—coincided with the conservative
resurgence in the SBC. Christa Brown [[link removed]], a
survivor and an advocate for survivors of SBC sex abuse, said that
“there were many, many…who enabled these crimes and abuses, who
turned a blind eye, and who participated in the mistreatment of
survivors.” And, Brown emphasized, these were not isolated
occurrences: “So pervasive was this conduct, and at the highest
levels, that it seems a feature, not a bug.”

Among the accused was Pressler, the leading architect of the
conservative resurgence. In 2017, Gareld Duane Rollins Jr.
[[link removed]],
who had been a student in one of the judge’s Bible study classes,
sued Pressler, alleging that Pressler had raped him for decades,
beginning in 1980, when Rollins was 14 years old, and continuing
through 2004. Pressler, now 92, has denied the charges. However, in
2004, according to court records reported by the _Houston Chronicle_,
Pressler agreed to pay Rollins $450,000 as part of a legal settlement
stemming from charges of physical assault. (The Texas Supreme Court
ruled in April 2022 that Rollins’s sexual assault claims were not
barred by the statute of limitations, because the trauma had caused
Rollins to suppress those memories for many years.)

In the course of Rollins’s suit, two additional men came forward
charging that Pressler had abused them as well. One, Toby Twining
[[link removed]], filed
an affidavit describing how Pressler, whom he met through a church
youth group in the 1970s, frequently took the group on weekend trips,
compelled Twinings to sleep in a bed with him, and had grabbed his
penis in the sauna at a Houston country club. The other, Brooks
Schott
[[link removed]],
alleged that he met Pressler in 2016 while working at Pressler and
Woodfill’s firm and that Pressler had invited him to use his hot
tub. “When the ladies are not around, us boys all go in the hot tub
completely naked,” Pressler told him, according to Schott’s
affidavit. Pressler has denied these allegations. Woodfill, who is
representing Pressler, did not respond to a request for comment.

In 2018, seven months after Rollins filed his lawsuit against
Pressler, an audio recording leaked in which Paige Patterson could be
heard arguing that women abused by their husbands should not get
divorced but rather “be submissive in every way that you can.” One
month later, Patterson was ousted from his position as president of
the Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary. The seminary’s
leaders said Patterson had covered up for a rising star preacher who
had sexually abused congregants, suppressed reports of sexual assault,
blamed survivors, and tried to “break down” a woman who reported a
rape. Patterson did not respond to a request for comment.

Despite the disgrace of both its architects, the conservative
resurgence is still seen by top SBC leaders as the high-water mark in
the denomination’s history. At the 2019 annual meeting in
Birmingham, Ala., Greear called the conservative resurgence “a gift
from God.” As recently as May 2022—two weeks after the release of
the Guidepost report—Robert Jeffress [[link removed]], the pastor
of First Baptist Dallas [[link removed]], a megachurch with
deep ties to the conservative resurgence, hosted Patterson as a guest
speaker. Jeffress called Patterson a “gifted theologian, writer, and
preacher of God’s word.” He went on to emphasize that “what
Southern Baptists will always be indebted to Dr. Patterson for is
this: About 45 years ago, he began to notice the erosion in our
schools, our seminaries, in a belief in the inerrancy and inspiration
of our Scripture. And he led the effort to turn the largest Protestant
denomination in the world back towards a solid belief in the inerrancy
and inspiration of Scripture.”

Jeffress was one of several Southern Baptist megachurch pastors who
were close to the Trump White House. He was one of Trump’s
staunchest defenders when Trump was accused by more than a dozen women
of sexual abuse and assault. When I asked him in 2019 about those
accusations, Jeffress replied, “Why haven’t any of these
accusations gained traction somehow?” He added, “I very much stand
against sexual abuse of any kind. These are allegations, and in our
country you are innocent until proven guilty, and the president has
not been proven guilty in any of this.” When I pointed out that
we’d all heard Trump admit to assaulting women in the _Access
Hollywood_
[[link removed]] tape
that was uncovered in 2016, Jeffress retorted, “I happened to be
with him two days after that tape was revealed, and I said it on
television: Those comments were indefensible, they were awful, but
they weren’t enough to make me vote for Hillary Clinton.”

Before the fall: By 1971, when the SBC met in St. Louis (pictured
above), it was already the largest Protestant denomination in the US.
(AP)

Today, a faction within the SBC with even more radically patriarchal
views is attempting its own takeover. Tom Ascol, a Florida pastor who
ran unsuccessfully for president of the denomination this year, is one
of the leaders of a contingent that represents “a strong segment of
Southern Baptist pastors” pushing for a more “masculine, muscular
Christianity,” said Brian Kaylor, a minister and the editor of the
newsletter _Word and Way_ [[link removed]], which covers the
inner workings of the evangelical world. “I think it helps explain
part of why there’s been such a problematic response, at times
criminal response, to sexual abuse claims over the past few
decades,” he said. The election of Bart Barber, a Texas pastor and
the more establishment candidate, favored the status quo over a more
extreme move to the right. Still, as Kaylor has documented, Ascol’s
campaign broke ground by reaching out beyond Southern Baptist circles
to right-wing media personalities like Charlie Kirk
[[link removed]].

At the SBC’s 2019 annual meeting in Birmingham, the muscular
Christianity group held a side conference titled “Mature Manhood in
an Immature Age,” which featured some of the most openly
misogynistic commentary I’ve witnessed in nearly two decades of
covering the religious right. Ascol disparaged “soft men” as the
“bane of a society,” because “they leave women and children
without a protector.” He added that there was “nothing soft about
Jesus,” who was never “triggered.” A “soft man,” he added,
“has no business in the ministry.” Owen Strachan, who teaches
at Grace Bible Theological Seminary [[link removed]],
encouraged the audience to “train men in the image of the Warrior
King Christ Jesus” and, “ideally,” to “train your daughter in
submission.”

Ascol described Trump to me in an interview at the conference as a
“pagan king” whom God had raised up and who had done
“terrific” things in terms of the Supreme Court and on abortion
and LGBTQ issues. More broadly, observers like Kaylor see Ascol’s
caucus as trying to take the denomination in a more “Trumpian”
direction, with or without Trump in office. Ascol and his supporters,
Kaylor said, “are really obsessed with this idea that the SBC is
becoming liberal and ‘woke,’ which is laughable.”

For abuse survivors, the denomination is far from “woke.” Christa
Brown sees a direct line from Southern Baptist theology to the sex
abuse scandal and related cover-ups. “I believe that unless and
until Southern Baptists are willing to fully interrogate their own
theology, this kind of conduct will remain a feature within their
faith,” she said. For example, the concept of wifely submission that
is part of “The Baptist Faith and Message” is “an authoritarian
theology that promotes male headship and female submissiveness as
being divinely ordered.” For Brown and other advocates for survivors
of abuse, the policies enacted at the annual meeting this year in
Anaheim in response to the Guidepost report were decidedly tepid.
Attendees, known as “messengers,” voted to adopt two measures: the
creation of an accessible database of abusers and the formation of a
task force to study the recommendations of the Guidepost report. SNAP
[[link removed]], a national organization that advocates
for survivors of clerical sexual abuse, promptly denounced these
actions as “very minimal.”

Brown told me that she had been raped in 1969 and that the leaders of
her childhood church knew about it at the time. She went to the SBC in
2004 and then went public in 2005. She called for specific safeguards
against abuse in 2006, some of which the denomination has still not
adopted. For her, watching Trump rise with the support of prominent
Southern Baptists was like a repeat of the sidelining and shaming of
survivors, but on a much larger scale. When she saw leaders like
Jeffress “giving support to a president who bragged about assaulting
women,” Brown said, “it felt like déjà vu. Their minimization of
horrific conduct was a pattern that we had already seen up close.”

Southern Baptist leaders spent decades working to impose their
theological views of sex and gender on the country through law and
policy, arguing that they represented a “Christian” or “moral”
position. But to Brown, they “sacrificed all moral credibility. They
normalized and minimized the sexual predations of a president in much
the same way that they normalized and minimized the sexual predations
of their clergy colleagues.” And, she added, “with nary a care,
they left the rest of us—now the whole of our democracy—to deal
with the fallout.”

SARAH POSNER is a reporting fellow with Type Investigations and an
expert on the intersection of religion and politics.

_Copyright c 2022 THE NATION. Reprinted with permission. May not be
reprinted without__ __permission_
[[link removed]]_.
Distributed by__ _PARS International Corp
[[link removed]].

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