No images? Click here Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we take a look at how the Department of Transportation could exercise its authority to reign in the airlines as travelers suffer unprecedented travel delays and cancellations this summer.
Garphil Julien Last week a group of Democratic lawmakers introduced a bill titled the Cash Refunds for Flight Cancellations Act, which would require airlines to offer customers affected by long flight delays and cancellations full refunds within 30 days. Given that the pace of delays and flight cancellations this year is running more than double that of 2021, and is on pace to surpass 2001 as the worst year ever in air travel snarls, it’s easy to understand the impetus behind the bill. What’s harder to grasp is why Congress is being forced to act at all, given that the Department of Transportation already has ample authority to effectively regulate the industry. The DOT, which is run by Pete Buttigieg, the former mayor of South Bend, Indiana, has not been entirely silent on the problem. The Department has proposed a rule that would better define unfair practices, giving customers the right to a cash refund when an airline engages in these practices. The DOT has also proposed that any airline that has received a government bailout be required to give cash refunds. Another rule would require that any credits issued to customers for canceled flights have no expiration dates. But many lawmakers have signaled that these measures don’t go far enough. Senators Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders have called for fining the industry, with Sanders advocating for fines of up to $55,000 per passenger. New York Attorney General Letitia James last week called for investigations and fines for airlines, saying, “Airlines knowingly advertising and booking flights they do not have adequate staff to operate are flying in the face of the law.” Thus far this year, the tactic appears to have been very lucrative for most of the airlines. United, Delta, American, and Southwest have all posted record earnings. One factor that makes the actions appear especially galling is that these same airlines received some $50 billion in taxpayer bailouts as part of the pandemic relief package. Another is that these same corporations devoted most of their profits over the last decade in stock buybacks. The Department of Transportation already enjoys the power to punish airlines for such unfair and deceptive practices. Under Section 411 of the Federal Aviation Act, the secretary of transportation can “investigate and decide whether an air carrier … is engaged in an unfair or deceptive practice or an unfair method of competition in air transportation or the sale of air transportation.” This means Buttigieg would be well within his authority to fine airlines for overbooking flights. As John Paul Rollert, a professor of Behavioral Science at the University of Chicago’s Booth School of Business, points out, there’s little excuse for not using that power. “Most people don’t relish flying,” he says. “It’s stressful and it can create tremendous difficulties for some people. If airlines are doing this purposefully, there’s something morally problematic about that.” Another potential line of action for the DOT is to address the common ownership structures that tie many of these airline corporations together. The same institutional investors hold significant shares of United, Delta, JetBlue, American, and Southwest. According to a 2018 paper by economists José Azar, Martin Schmalz, and Isabel Tecu, this ownership structure reduces the incentives to compete and leads to increased costs for consumers. Section 411 of the Federal Aviation Act also empowers the DOT to limit common ownership in the industry. The Department could, for instance, adopt a rule which would prohibit institutional investors and individual shareholders in a concentrated market such as the airline industry from holding more than a 1% total share of the market. The Department could also demand assurances from investors that they will not participate in shaping corporate decisions.
Open Markets Executive Director Barry Lynn, along with Stacy Mitchell of the Institute for Local Self Reliance, this week keynoted the launch of the Canadian Antimonopoly Project. CAMP is the first antimonopoly organization in Canada in decades, and is designed to serve both as a think tank and grassroots organizer. CAMP’s mission is to make “Canada’s economy more fair, free, and democratic.” CAMP was founded by Keldon Bestor, a former special advisor at Canada’s Competition Bureau; Robin Shaban, a senior economist at Vivic Research and a research associate at the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives; and Andrew Cameron, vice president of Northumberland Properties and host of the podcast Monopolies Killed My Hometown. In 2018, Keldon worked as an intern with Open Markets. 🔊 ANTI-MONOPOLY RISING:
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We won’t be publishing our next newsletter in late August but will be back in early September. Enjoy the rest of the summer! 🔎 TIPS? COMMENTS? SUGGESTIONS? We would love to hear from you—just reply to this e-mail and drop us a line. Give us your feedback, alert us to competition policy news, or let us know your favorite story from this issue. |