SUPREME COURT UPDATE: Judicial Watch,
Allied Educational Foundation Challenge Harvard, UNC Race-Based Admissions
Policies
In a perversion of the Constitution, our colleges and universities, along
with our federal government, think nothing of discriminating on the basis
of race. We’re bucking the tide.
We filed amici curiae briefs alongside the Allied Educational
Foundation (AEF) in support of Students for Fair Admissions’ Supreme
Court cases challenging both Harvard
College and the University
of North Carolina’s (UNC) race-based affirmative action
admissions programs (Students
for Fair Admission v. President & Fellows of Harvard
College (No. 20-1199)) and (Students
for Fair Admissions, Inc. v. University of North Carolina, et
al. (No. 21-707)).
Students for Fair Admissions argues that both Harvard and UNC’s use of
race in their undergraduate admissions process violates the Equal
Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States
Constitution and Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The
Constitution’s Equal Protection Clause commands that:
No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges
or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive
any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor
deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the
laws.
We and AEF argue that the Court should reject a prior 1978 Supreme Court
opinion that seemingly authorizes racial discrimination in college
admissions (Regents of Univ. of Cal. V. Bakke, 438 U.S. 265
(1978)). Since Bakke, there have been “at least 26 separate
opinions. Many of these have attempted to explain the constitutional
rationale for allowing race-based preferences, even though those rationales
appear to directly conflict with the original meaning and text of the Equal
Protection Clause.”
We highlight how race-based discrimination (and the resulting quota
mentality) is permeating government. The brief quotes Vice President Kamala
Harris’s attack on equality and implicit call for race-based quotas:
There’s a big difference between equity and equality. Equality suggests,
“everyone should get the same amount.” The problem with that, not
everybody’s starting out from the same place…. Equitable treatment
means we all end up in the same place.
Referencing this and other Biden administration actions promoting racial
favoritism, we note:
There is, however, no constitutional guarantee that we will all “end up
in the same place.” The foregoing statements reveal a distorted view of
the Equal Protection Clause that would guarantee racially proportionate
outcomes under the name of equity, not the equality of opportunity the
Equal Protection Clause has always guaranteed. These are more than mere
words or theories. Racial preferences have increasingly become incorporated
in real-world, governmental decisions and policies. For example, United
States Department of Agriculture (USDA) officials recently sought to use
race as a basis for deciding who receives governmental loan
forgiveness.
Our higher education system needs to start following the Constitution and
stop its race discrimination. The Supreme Court would strike a historic
blow for equal protection by putting a stop to this creeping racism.
(For the record, Judicial Watch has become the preeminent voice for civil
rights and the law, as properly understood under the US Constitution.
We and AEF recently filed an amici
curiae in support of the Coalition for Thomas Jefferson High
School’s challenge to race-based admissions policies for the nationally
known public high school that were put in place at in Fairfax County,
Virginia.
In May 2022, we won
a court battle against California’s gender quota law for corporate
boards. The verdict came after a 28-day trial (Robin
Crest et al. v. Alex Padilla (Case No. 19STCV27561)). The verdict
followed a similar
ruling in our favor in April finding California’s diversity mandate
for corporate boards unconstitutional.
In January 2022, the city of Asheville, NC, settled
our federal civil rights lawsuit after
agreeing to remove all racially discriminatory provisions in a
city-funded scholarship program. Additionally, the city also
agreed to remove racially discriminatory eligibility provisions in a
related program that provides grants to educators. The City Council
approved the settlement on January 11.
In April 2021, we and AEF filed an amici
curiae brief in support of Students for Fair Admissions’ (SFA)
petition for a writ
of certiorari to the U.S. Supreme Court, challenging a decision of
the U.S. Court of Appeals for the First Circuit upholding Harvard
College’s race-based affirmative action admissions program (Students
for Fair Admission v. President & Fellows of Harvard College (No.
20-1199)).
In March 2021, we filed an amici
curiae brief with AEF in a companion case, in support of SFA’s
petition for a writ
of certiorari to the Supreme Court challenging a decision of the
Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit, which upheld the race-based
admissions program at the University of North Carolina (UNC) (Students
for Fair Admissions, Inc. v. University of North Carolina, et al.
(No. 21-707)). The amici brief asked the court to no longer allow
“universities to defend race-based admissions programs by relying upon
schools’ purported educational needs for increased diversity.”
In January 2022, the Supreme Court agreed
to review both decisions.
The Allied Educational Foundation is a charitable and educational
foundation dedicated to improving the quality of life through education. In
furtherance of that goal, the Foundation has engaged in a number of
projects, which include educational and health conferences domestically and
abroad. AEF has partnered frequently with Judicial Watch to fight
government and judicial corruption and to promote a return to ethics and
morality in the nation’s public life.
Judicial Watch, AEF Challenge Fairfax County School Race-Based
Admissions
A public school system in Virginia is determined to admit certain students,
Black and Hispanic, on the basis of their race and deny others, Asian
Americans, for the same reason. Again, this is flagrantly
unconstitutional.
We filed an amici curiae (friend of the court) brief along with
the Allied Educational Foundation (AEF) opposing the race-based admissions
for nationally-known public high school in Fairfax County. Our brief
supports the Coalition for Thomas Jefferson High School in its challenge to
the policy (Coalition
for TJ v. Fairfax County School Board et al. (No. 22-1280)).
We ask the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit to affirm
a lower court decision
finding that Fairfax County Public Schools’ (FCPS) race-based admissions
policy is unconstitutional because of its improper considerations of
race.
We argue that the trial court cited ample evidence showing that the
race-based admissions policies were developed with invidious discriminatory
intent:
As the court recounted, less than two weeks following the death of George
Floyd, TJ’s principal Ann Bonitatibus emailed the entire TJ community
proclaiming that the demographics of TJ “do not reflect the racial
composition in FCPS [Fairfax County Public Schools].” … The next day an
FCPS Board member emailed a local legislature, describing her “anger and
disappointment” regarding underrepresentation of Black and Hispanic
students and predicting there would be “intentional action forthcoming”
from FCPS ... The record showed that Board members admonished
Superintendent Braband that any forthcoming policy change needed to be
“explicit in how we are going to address the under-representation of
Black and Hispanic students.” ... Later, at a public meeting, another
Board member explained that “in looking at what has happened to George
Floyd,” FCPS must now “recognize the unacceptable low numbers of
African Americans that have been accepted by TJ.”
We further argue that Fairfax County Public Schools violated the Equal
Protections clause by attempting to add their preferred races to schools
instead of created an honest balance:
But the truth is that FCPS [Fairfax County Public Schools] was not
interested in improving TJ’s diversity – TJ’s student body was
already diverse. Rather, FCPS sought to change the racial mix by increasing
the representation of underrepresented, preferred minorities (Blacks and
Hispanics) to the disadvantage of other minorities (Asian Americans). To
that end, an FCPS Board member declared that it “need[ed] to be explicit
in how [it was] going to address the under-representation of Black and
Hispanic students.”
We also argue:
[Fairfax County Public Schools] makes the incredible claim that it enacted
the new policy without knowing the effect it would have on TJ’s student
admissions and, as a result, there can be no discriminatory intent. It is
quite remarkable that FCPS contends it adopted a new admissions policy for
the country’s top public high school without any understanding as to the
impact it would have on students. This claim is even more incredible
considering that the policy change was prompted by the Board’s response
to the civil upheaval following George Floyd’s murder and after intense
pressure by state officials to improve the racial balance of TJ’s
admissions. It is certainly a far cry from the “explicit” response
promised by FCPS Board members.
***
FCPS cannot contend both that it was ignorant as to the effects of the
policy and that it knowingly enacted the policy “in spite of” the
impact it would have on Asian American applicants. Moreover … here there
was evidence in the record that the policy was enacted “because it would
accomplish the collateral goal of” reducing Asian American representation
in TJ’s admissions.
Obama ‘Diaper Disparity’ Plan Gets $8 Million Despite
Congressional Opposition
The “nanny state” is now literal. Your tax dollars will be spent to
combat “diaper disparity” and close a national “diaper divide.”
This, despite the fact that the Congress has consistently opposed this
giveaway, as our Corruption Chronicles blog reports.
Though Congress has repeatedly denied laws to give needy families
government-subsidized diapers—in addition to free medical care and
food—the Biden administration is quietly allocating millions of dollars
to the cause originally funded by the Obama administration to end a
pandemic of “diaper disparity.” A Health and Human Services (HHS)
division known as Administration for Children and Families (ACF) Office of
Community Services (OCS) is doling out $8
million to provide diapers and diapering supplies through government
distribution programs for families with low incomes. The program is
officially known as Diaper Distribution Demonstration and Research Pilot
(DDDRP) and it aims to provide diapers on a consistent basis. “One in
three families in the U.S. with diaper-age children report having unmet
diaper need,” according to the grant announcement. “Diaper need is
largely defined as the lack of a sufficient supply of diapers to keep an
infant/toddler clean, dry, and healthy. Infrequent diaper changes can lead
to diaper rashes and urinary tract infections, compromising the health and
well-being of infants and toddlers.”
The lengthy document cites random studies on the impacts of diaper need,
which of course, “disproportionately impacts families with low incomes
and can have long-term, multigenerational effects,” according to the
government. Besides the detrimental health effects on the infant, the
studies referenced by HHS found associations between diaper need and
parental stress, which can have negative, compounding effects on the health
and well-being of both caregivers and children. As an example, the agency
writes that childcare providers require an adequate supply of diapers yet
many low-income families cannot afford a consistent supply. “Therefore,
diaper need can prevent infants and toddlers from being in early care
settings, and further exacerbate the impact of poverty by impeding
caregivers’ ability to attend school, training programs, and/or work
consistently,” according to the health agency. Another study used by HHS
to make its case found that more than half of parents who rely on childcare
have missed work because of an inadequate supply of diapers, which means
“access to diapers represents both a public health concern for the
well-being of children and a source of economic stress for parents and
caretakers.”
The goal of the $8 million DDDRP is to maximize diaper distribution
programs so low-income and “diverse” families can receive
taxpayer-funded diapers on a consistent basis. This will solve many
problems, according to HHS. For instance, the agency claims the great
American diaper giveaway will lower anxiety and depression among parents,
decrease rates of missed days for children in childcare, reduce family
health issues by improving the health of caretakers and children, increase
workforce participation and reduce economic stress by cutting unemployment.
“Other programs providing social supports to low-income families provide
targeted benefits for food assistance, housing, healthcare, etc., but none
of them provide funding for diapers or diapering supplies,” the HHS
document states, adding that “ongoing diaper support” improves economic
stability, reduces familial stress, and increases parental
self-sufficiency.
The push for government subsidized diapers has been met with powerful
congressional resistance for years. Back in 2016, after Congress twice
rejected laws to give needy families free diapers, President Obama
allocated $10
million in taxpayer money to the cause. At the time the White House
promoted the initiative as essential to eradicate a national “diaper
divide” and the stated goal was to abolish “diaper disparity” by
expanding access for American’s poorest families. Obama’s White House
Domestic Policy Director, Cecilia Muñoz, spearheaded the initiative,
asserting diapers are imperative to babies’ health and “no family
should have to choose between keeping their babies healthy and keeping the
lights or heat on.” Months earlier Congress resoundingly rejected the
second measure (Hygiene Assistance for Families of Infants and Toddlers
Act) in four years to grant poor families government-subsidized diapers.
Years earlier similar legislation (Diaper Investment and Aid to Promote
Economic Recovery Act) also got slammed in Congress.
More recently legislation to provide free diapers has also failed to
advance in Congress. The latest, End Diaper Need Act of 2021, has stalled
in both the House and Senate since early last year. The measure aims to
appropriate $200 million annually to provide diapers and diapering supplies
for low-income families.
Until next week …
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