From Amb. Mark Green | Wilson Center <[email protected]>
Subject Stubborn Things: Missing Migrants; Russian Weapon Exports and Sanctions; a Stadium Made of Shipping Containers
Date May 26, 2022 1:30 PM
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Last year, over 3,000 migrants disappeared as they tried to sail across the Mediterranean to Europe.
In 2021, the United Nations’ refugee agency, UNHCR, recorded more than 3,000 deaths and disappearances [[link removed]] of migrants en route to Europe via the Mediterranean. That number is nearly double [[link removed]] that of 2020.
When most migrants journey to the Canary Islands from West Africa, it can take as long as ten days, in treacherous conditions. In describing one such journey, UNHCR spokesperson Shabia Mantoo [[link removed]] described people on “packed, unseaworthy, inflatable boats—many of which capsized or were deflated leading to the loss of life.” Many of those seeking a new home are children. Last year, 13,203 children arrived by sea just to Italy, according to the Ministry of the Interior and the UNHCR [[link removed]] ; more than 10,000 were alone, without a parent or guardian.
Europe and the Mediterranean are not the only regions witnessing such staggering loss of life among migrants. Since 2014, nearly 1,000 migrants have disappeared during their voyages across the Caribbean. In 2021, the U.S. Coast Guard rescued 1,527 Haitian and 838 Cuban migrants [[link removed]] , according to the UN International Organization for Migration (IOM).
Worldwide, 5,880 migrants [[link removed]] were recorded as dead or missing last year by the IOM’s Missing Migrants Project. At present, the bureaucratic obstacles in place make the maritime migration search process frustrating and complex. Many missing persons go unidentified due to a plethora of factors [[link removed]] , including geographical inaccessibility, limited data, lack of media attention, and dangerous conditions in and around the route taken.


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Russia is the world’s second largest weapons exporter, but its stock is slowly being destroyed on the battlefields of Ukraine every day.
Much has been written about Russia’s economic reliance on oil and natural gas exports, but another mainstay of its economy is being destroyed in the Ukraine conflict: weapons. Russia is the world’s second largest exporter of weaponry in the world, after the United States, accounting for 20 percent of global arms sales [[link removed]] and $15 billion per year in revenue [[link removed]] . Yet this “resource” upon which the Russian economy partly relies is being destroyed each and every day in Ukraine. As of the end of April, Russia has lost more than 3,200 [[link removed]] military vehicles and countless quantities of small arms and munitions.
Furthermore, Russia’s ability to “renew” this resource is being severely hampered by international sanctions. Prior to the war, the Russian arms industry produced [[link removed]] around 250 tanks annually, meaning that Ukraine’s documented destruction of at least 500 tanks has already set back Russia’s military production by two years. However, Russia is no longer producing tanks at that level. As Western sanctions choke Russia’s access to high-tech components and other goods, auto manufacturing plants and other factories essential to military operations are closing down [[link removed]] .
Despite some efforts in recent years at reshoring critical components of arms production, Russian weapons remain highly dependent on foreign technology. A recent examination of a crashed Russian cruise missile in Ukraine revealed that a huge proportion of critical components were manufactured abroad [[link removed]] , including the U.S.- made circuit board that helps guide the missiles to their targets. Russia has found there is no easy substitution for the import process, which has caused delays in domestic projects and foreign sales, compounding productivity problems because of outdated plants and an aging workforce [[link removed]] .
The failures of Russia’s equipment on the battlefield could have huge consequences for its economy. Between the brand damage of having its top products blown up in viral videos gleefully posted by Ukrainian drone operators, Russia will simply have a hard time filling orders while scrambling to replenish its own stocks. Russia’s traditional arms clients may turn to foreign competitors, or turn to domestic production, as India has recently canceling [[link removed]] a $1 billion deal to purchase Russian helicopters.


US, Ukrainian, Russian Flags and coins [[link removed]]


The countries that have sanctioned Russia over Ukraine represent only 16 percent of the world’s population.
President Biden and other Western leaders have said over and over again that we’ve “rallied the world” to oppose Russia for its unprovoked invasion of Ukraine. Unfortunately, that’s not yet the case. In fact, we’re in the minority. According to analysis by the Economist’s Intelligence Unit, fully two-thirds of the world’s population [[link removed]] live in countries where the government has declined to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, either by adopting a position of neutrality or actually opposing expressions of condemnation. In classifying the world’s countries as leaning one way or the other, the unit’s global forecasting team considers a variety of factors, from sanctions to UN votes and official statements, to economic, political, and historical ties.
Nearly one-third of the world’s population lives in a country where their government’s position is “neutral” according to the Economist classification, led by India, which is heavily reliant on Russia for energy and arms [[link removed]] . China leans toward Russia, although it has made an effort to retain some distance from Russia’s woes. Truly Kremlin-aligned countries are an exclusive club including the likes of North Korea, Syria, and Cuba, and they have just 3.9% of the world’s population and 2.6% of its GDP.
On the other hand, although the global population condemning Russia’s actions are in the minority, we do represent the vast majority of the world’s economy. Seventy percent of global GDP belongs to countries supporting the West’s position, with 61 percent of the world’s GDP and 16 percent of its population belonging to countries actively condemning Russia.
In other words, while there is impressive success in rallying Europe and NATO members, we have much work to do if we’re going to successfully isolate Russia and the Russian economy.


Stadium 974, made of shipping containers [[link removed]]


One of the stadiums Qatar has built for the 2022 World Cup is made out of 974 shipping containers, and will be entirely deconstructed and recycled after the tournament is over.
In 2010, it was announced that Doha would host the 2022 World Cup Tournament. Proud to be the first country in the Middle East to host the World Cup, Qatar has spared no expense preparing for its “moment in the sun.” In 2017, Finance Minister Ali Shareef Al Emadi said Qatar was investing $500 million in infrastructure weekly [[link removed]] , covering roads, hospitals, a new airport, and eight separate stadiums. According to a report by Bloomberg, Qatar’s World Cup infrastructure projects are valued at a total of $300 billion, vastly more [[link removed]] than the previous record of $15 billion set when Brazil hosted the 2014 World Cup.
But it isn’t just the money totals that make Qatar’s approach unique. Qatar’s investment has included some truly revolutionary innovations, such as Stadium 974. The first fully demountable stadium in FIFA World Cup history, Stadium 974 will be dismantled after the tournament and its parts repurposed in sports venues across the world. Constructed from exactly 974 shipping containers, the design aims to reduce waste by using prefabricated and repurposable materials, many of which were brought in the shipping containers themselves. Seated on Doha’s waterfront, the stadium’s design takes advantage of the natural breeze rather than using cooling technology, reducing its water usage by almost 40% [[link removed]] .


AuthorAmbassador Mark Green Ambassador Mark Green [[link removed]]
President, Director, & CEO, Wilson Center

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