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… read about the rising tide lifting all inland homes.

So far, the faces of climate change have largely been people who live on the coast. Changing weather patterns have produced droughts and other inland forms of destruction, but generally when it comes to climate, the enemy is water, falling from the sky or surging from the ocean onto people with the misfortune of having beachfront lives. It turns out, however, that excess water produced by a warming earth has another way to reach you: rising groundwater. A new story [[link removed]] in the MIT Technology Review highlights the dangers posed by groundwater tables jumping up into our underground infrastructure. Groundwater usually drains into the oceans, but as climate change forces ocean levels to rise, less of that drainage can take place. As a result, the water builds up in sedimentary rock, and eventually swamps underground systems from septic systems to buried electrical lines. No matter the walls we build to keep out the rising sea, climate change is coming for us.

Is the US anomalously non-corrupt?

Nope! Journalist Paul Kiel dropped an informative Twitter thread [[link removed]] last week examining the question of why so few US citizens appeared in the Pandora Papers, a massive leak of financial records from international tax havens like the British Virgin Islands that came out in October. Hint: it’s not because US billionaires just appreciate public goods and are willing to pay taxes.

Instead, as Kiel points out, the issue is that US tax law is so riddled with loopholes that the Musks and Bezii of the world have no need for offshore accounts to preserve their fortunes.

People taking in huge sums of money and living lavish lifestyles find ways to post yearly losses while increasing their overall wealth, allowing them to avoid contributing to society at large in any way.

FORWARD TO A FRIEND [[link removed]] The decline of opposition politics online in Bangladesh

As the internet drives down the costs of some forms of political organizing, governments have worked to push those costs back up, at least for opposition parties. In Bangladesh, that effort has recently taken the form of the Digital Security Act, a 2018 law that severely restricts political speech online. Political scientist Ali Riaz has a new article [[link removed]] tracing the effects of the act.

Since its passage, well over 1,500 people in Bangladesh have been charged under the act, which criminalizes anything the state deems contrary to the “spirit” of Bangladesh’s liberation war. As Riaz’s research shows, a hugely disproportionate number of those targeted with the law are journalists or politicians – over 50% in the sample he looked at.

Conversely, the accusers overwhelmingly represent the party in power. The law allows private citizens to bring charges under the act, and some 80% of those who do so are affiliated with the ruling Bangladesh Awami League.

FORWARD TO A FRIEND [[link removed]] DEEP DIVE Monetary policy by other means: Part I

In the same way that an army marches on its stomach, a country fights on its economy. Napoleon knew something about both – in addition to maybe apocryphally coining the stomach line, he established the Bank of France in January 1800 in an effort to settle French finances as he prepared to lead his armies across the Swiss Alps and into Italy. Yet, like Napoleon in St. Helena, the work of central banks has largely been banished from popular discourse about security. This week and next on Deep Dive, we’ll look at research that aims to bring it back in by examining the effect that central banking can have on conflict.

In a new article [[link removed]] in the Journal of Peace Research, political scientist Carolina Garriga digs into the role of central banks not in conquering new lands but in consolidating power in a country facing a civil war. A civil war, like any other kind, requires financial resources for a state to win. Moreover, civil wars are uniquely costly in that they inherently involve people and places that, in peacetime, would contribute to the country’s economic output. Civil war burns a country’s economic candle from both ends, as the state and insurgents alike draw on local resources to supply their war effort. Garriga is interested in how the structure of central banks affects the state’s capacity to generate resources to fight and win in civil wars. Specifically, she asks, does central bank independence impact how long civil wars go on?

In Garriga’s telling, central bank independence – that is, the appointment of technocratic bankers who are not directly accountable to the elected government to make decisions about monetary policy – could be important to a state’s capacity to win civil wars for two reasons. The first is that, when you’re burning the economic candle at both ends, it helps to have financial help from outside the country, often in the form of foreign loans. When foreign financiers are looking to make loans to a country, an independent central bank is one of the first things they look for. They absolutely love it. When they see that a country’s money supply is being managed by fellow financial professionals with no accountability to voters and a mandate to favor stability and paying down debts over economic growth, their eyes bulge and turn to dollar signs [[link removed]] and their hearts start beating [[link removed]] out of their chests – it’s really something to see. The point is, they’re more likely to make the loans, which in turn means states are more likely to have the money needed to win the war.

The second is that civil wars are often, at least in part, actually about the economy. A country where the elected government controls monetary policy might be tempted to print money to cover the cost of a war. Such a plan would work for a while, but (with apologies to the Modern Monetary Theorists among us), in most cases, it would eventually lead to inflation. Rising costs of goods might add to people’s grievances against the government, leading to greater power for the insurgents. Therefore, Garriga hypothesizes, central banks that are independent and as a result better able to resist the urge to drive up inflation may help shorten civil wars by limiting the level of popular grievance available for regime opponents to exploit.

To test her theories, Garriga ran data on 145 civil wars that took place between 1975 and 2009. For each conflict, she measured the independence of the state’s central bank on 16 legal attributes, including things like how the bank governors are appointed, how long they serve, and their level of control over monetary policy. Using that measurement, she gave each central bank a central bank independence score between zero and one in each year of the conflict. Comparing the two, she found strong evidence for a relationship between central bank independence and conflict termination. According to her data, going from having a central bank totally controlled by the government to one totally independent (going from zero to one in central bank independence score) makes a country 525% more likely to see its civil war end in a given year. Not only that, but it makes the war ending in a state victory also much more likely.

The mechanisms Garriga proposes also seem to hold in the data. Countries with independent central banks do get better deals from international financiers on loans – lower interest rates, with more time to pay them back – than their less independent counterparts, even if both regimes are under threat from internal rebellions. In addition, inflation really is lower in countries experiencing civil wars when they have independent central banks. Garriga argues that these results highlight the importance of international financial transactions to local conflicts. Many have pointed out, as Garriga notes, that austerity measures associated with the conservative monetary policies often pursued by independent central banks might constrain a country’s ability to raise funds to fight a civil war. Yet, she notes, it appears that the benefits of accessing international finance outweigh the costs of limiting domestic spending, at least when it comes to the ability to repress internal rebellion. Left unsaid is the potential role austerity policy can plan in generating the kinds of grievances that set off civil wars in the first place.

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Stella Chávez tracked [[link removed]] the rise of a new form of globe-conquering entertainment: the Turkish dizi. Dizis are television shows, often with two hour episodes released every week, that trade in melodramatic storylines and over the top emotions. The format has grown like wildfire outside of Turkey, with Turkish television exports growing from a $10,000 business 15 years ago to a $350 million business today, making Turkey the second-largest exporter of television behind the US. Dizis have dug sharply into a market for melodrama that used to be dominated by Latin American telenovelas, to the point that major Spanish-language networks like Telemundo and Univision are running Spanish-dubbed dizis in primetime slots once reserved for hit telenovelas.

Jodi Vittori turned [[link removed]] the bright lights on INTERPOL, the international law enforcement coordination body. Last month, Emirati Interior Minister General Ahmed Naser al-Raisi was named the new president of INTERPOL, drawing concerns that the institution will become a tool of authoritarian regimes for tracking dissidents internationally. Under al-Raisi’s leadership, the Emirati Interior Ministry has been accused of abusing INTERPOL’s “red notice” system, which flags people as wanted by law enforcement all around the world, to target critics of the Emirati regime, along with a host of other human rights abuses. That, however, is just obstacle to INTERPOL retaining its legitimacy under his leadership. Obstacle two is that the United Arab Emirates has long been a notably permissive environment for organized crime – INTERPOL’s ostensible main target – to operate in. With the Emirati government already donating a significant portion of INTERPOL’s budget, how can other countries be sure that the new president will keep his hands away from programs meant to prevent crimes he has long condoned?

Daisy Contreras spoke [[link removed]] to undocumented workers in the US who are leading the charge to unionize their workplaces. Labor organizing is one of the few aspects of civic life legally available to undocumented people in the US, and many are embracing unions as a way to improve working conditions and make their voices heard. One labor historian traces the movement back to the early 2000s, when a janitors in Los Angeles, many of whom were undocumented, went on a strike that inspired solidarity strikes across the country. That event inspired organizers to see undocumented workers as potential union members and led to the increase in undocumented organizers today.

FORWARD TO A FRIEND [[link removed]] WELL PLAYED

This week in evil idiots [[link removed]].

Honestly, it’s as good an explanation [[link removed]] as any.

We’re looking forward to this gender-swapped Sum Of All Fears reboot [[link removed]].

The UK is currently in the midst of its most politically stressful [[link removed]] Christmas since Hugh Grant [[link removed]] was prime minister, a fact not lost on cheeky Irish brands [[link removed]].

This holiday season, please consider donating a calendar to your nearest congressional office – they’re in need [[link removed]].

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Critical State is written by Sam Ratner with Inkstick Media.

The World is a weekday public radio show and podcast on global issues, news and insights from PRX and GBH.

With an online magazine and podcast featuring a diversity of expert voices, Inkstick Media is “foreign policy for the rest of us.”

Critical State is made possible in part by the Carnegie Corporation of New York.

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