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Friday DECEMBER 10, 2021
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[link removed] [[link removed]]Source: Convención Constitucional, Twitter

Chile’s Constitutional Convention: A Bumpy Start, Much Work Ahead
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By Richard SandersChile’s constitutional convention is now over five months into its mandate to overhaul the country’s fundamental document. Chileans decided by referendum to rewrite their constitution following extended massive protests in 2019; these belied the longstanding perception of a Latin American success story, slowly but steadily moving towards first world status in a consolidated democracy. The convention is dominated by representatives of relatively new leftist parties and civil society independents, with seats reserved for indigenous peoples. The center-right and center-left groupings which have governed Chile since its return to democracy are present but in a distinctly minority position.
Lengthy fights over procedures, including an effort from the left to eliminate provisions aimed at forcing consensus by requiring super-majorities on proposed elements of a new constitution, have cost the convention a significant measure of public support. As it moves from considering procedures to taking up issues of substance, it is challenged to rebuild confidence and draft a document with practical solutions for Chile’s governance challenges. It is doing so at a time when the country, weary from the pandemic and its economic fallout, is in the midst of a presidential election run-off marked by sharp divisions. A new constitution that commands support from a broad spectrum of Chilean society could provide real boost for the troubled country. But one that is perceived as narrow and ideological or simply ineffective could only add to Chile’s current turbulence.
A New Constitution is the Solution?
The decision to hold a constitutional convention arose from growing dissatisfaction with the political and economic elite in Chile — despite the country’s undeniable success in creating a stable and export-oriented economy, which allowed for a quadrupling of gross domestic product from 1993 to 2020 and a significant drop in poverty since 1990. Nonetheless, over the last few years, despite tax reforms and additional social spending, discontent has grown, fueled by a persistent sense that the gains of economic growth have not been equally shared.
Like much of Latin America and the Caribbean, Chile has struggled to contend with its status in one of the most unequal regions in the world, and the contrast between different social and economic strata is significant. According to a recent article in The Economist, which cites an earlier study by The Lancet in 2019— “life expectancy at birth for a woman born in the poorest neighborhood of Santiago is nearly 18 years lower than for a woman born in the richest neighborhood, a much larger gap than in the other five Latin American cities surveyed, including Mexico City and Buenos Aires.” The dramatic nature of inequality in Chile is evident in the following comparison: although the World Bank in 2018 reported that per capita gross domestic product was over $25,000, roughly half of the Chilean population earned less than $523 per month.
New political and economic issues surrounding the environment, gender equality, and concern for indigenous rights have also come to the fore. Proponents of a convention had argued that the existing constitution, which dates from the country’s dictatorship under General Augusto Pinochet (though modified on several occasions under democratically elected governments), is inadequate to today’s social demands. The idea of a new constitution eventually acquired almost totemic status among those profoundly dissatisfied with the status quo, as previous calls for constitutional reform began in earnest during the presidency of Michelle Bachelet in 2015.
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Recent Events
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WEBINAR | Addressing Governance Challenges in Haiti: The Role of the International Community [[link removed]] (December 8)
WEBINAR | Pathways to Justice: Gender-Based Violence and the Rule of Law [[link removed]] (December 7)
WEBINAR | Mayors Delivering Democracy Daily [[link removed]] (December 6)
WEBINAR | Lonely at the Barricades: How to Strengthen the Global Defense of Democracy [[link removed]] (December 1)
WEBINAR | Looking Ahead: Presidential Politics and Chilean Democracy [[link removed]] (November 22)


La Semanita
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Infographic - La Semanita 12.10.2021 [[link removed]]


Listen to our Podcasts
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Americas 360 Argentina Project Podcast
Femicide has long plagued the Americas. In 2018, the Latin American region included five of the twelve countries with the highest rates of femicide in the world. Across the region, social and economic insecurities created by the COVID-19 pandemic have deepened the crisis, creating what some are calling a shadow pandemic of violence. In this episode of Americas 360, our experts discuss femicide in the Americas and the region’s attempts to address this persistent and deadly problem. Guest host Nicolás Saldías, a Latin America analyst at the Economist Intelligence Unit, sits down with Esteban Paulón, executive director of Argentina’s Instituto de Políticas Públicas LGBT+, to discuss Argentina’s recently approved transgender labor law and the impacts of COVID-19 on Latin America’s LGBTQ+ community.

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Brazil Institute Podcast Plaza Central
In less than one month, Brazil is holding one of the largest 5G auctions to date, globally. Over the last year, the question of whether Brazil would allow Chinese companies, including Huawei to participate in the country’s 5G telecoms infrastructure has dominated coverage of the issue and speaks to some of the unease surrounding China’s investment in Brazil, and in Latin America more broadly. On this episode, guest Cláudia Trevisan, Executive Director of the Brazil-China Business Council, joins host Anya Prusa to discuss the contours of the Brazil-China relationship. En este episodio de Plaza Central, Beatriz García Nice platica con el Secretario de Estado para Iberoamérica y el Caribe y el Español en el Mundo de España, el Embajador Juan Fernández Trigo, sobre el posicionamiento de España como un gran aliado en la donación de vacunas a países hispanohablantes, el estado de las relaciones entre España y América Latina y el llamado “revisionismo histórico” de la conquista española.


The Latin AmericaN Program Weighs In
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[[link removed]]“Honduras tuvo elecciones el 28 de noviembre y la presidente electa, Xiomara Castro, logró un robusto apoyo popular. Castro llegará en enero al ejecutivo hondureño con una agenda distinta y sin ningún vínculo con el gobierno de Hernández, de quien ha sido clara opositora, lo que abre una ventana de oportunidad para trabajar con Estados Unidos.”
– Cynthia Arnson
Cynthia Arnson is quoted in, “ Exclusión del Triángulo Norte de la Cumbre por la Democracia genera inquietudes en la región [[link removed]] ,” for Voz de América
Cynthia Arnson is quoted in “ Pataleta del régimen cubano por la Cumbre de la Democracia de Biden: es un ‘ejercicio estéril [[link removed]] ,’” for Diario de Cuba
Benjamin Gedan is quoted in, “ Bolsonaro acusa mídia tradicional de fake news em documento para cúpula da democracia de Biden [[link removed]] ,” for Folha de S.Paulo
Benjamin Gedan is quoted in, “ Hopes for Argentina IMF deal grow; but at what cost? [[link removed]] ,” for Reuters
Luiza Duarte contributed to, “ What will Joining a New Party mean for Brazil’s Bolsonaro [[link removed]] ,” for the Latin America Advisor
Jorge Heine authored, “ Honduras’ chance for a fresh start [[link removed]] ,” for the Global Times
Patricia I. Vasquez contributed to, “ How Much Lithium Potential does Argentina Have [[link removed]] ,” for the Energy Advisor
Carlos Fernando Chamorro is quoted in, “ La CIDH denuncia que Daniel Ortega ha convertido a Nicaragua en un ‘Estado policial de facto [[link removed]] ,’” for Voz de América
Daniel Zovatto is quoted in, “ Oposición democrática nicaragüense debe tomar note de la crisis de su similar venezuelona [[link removed]] ,” for La Prensa


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