From Reveal <[email protected]>
Subject Migrant shelter staff are calling police on refugee kids
Date August 17, 2021 10:01 PM
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Chilling words are caught on a Texas sheriff deputy’s body camera.

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Illustration by Molly Mendoza

“I'm going to tase this kid.”

Those are the chilling words caught on a Texas sheriff deputy’s body camera, moments before he tases a 16-year-old boy in a federally funded shelter for migrant children. The teenager, who fled Honduras to seek asylum in the United States, groans in pain on the floor, then is handcuffed and arrested. He asks the sheriff’s deputies over and over in Spanish: “Where am I going? Where are you taking me?”

This violent incident, among several cases of migrant children ending up in police custody, is documented in our new episode, Minor violations ([link removed]) . The episode builds on our long-running investigation into how migrant children are treated in government-sponsored care. After reporters Aura Bogado and Laura C. Morel first reported this story in June, the deputy who tased the child was placed on administrative leave, pending an internal affairs investigation. But the incident is part of a larger pattern of overpolicing at shelters sponsored by the Office of Refugee Resettlement.

Bogado and Morel found that a number of the government’s shelters have been turning to police to manage the sort of behavior that could be expected of children, in particular isolated refugee children.

Since 2014, Bogado and Morel found, at least 84 children held at shelters were turned over to local law enforcement. Most of these arrests happened in two counties – Bexar and Cameron counties in Texas. And two shelter operators, Southwest Key Programs and BCFS, account for three-fourths of all known cases in which migrant children were turned over to law enforcement.

At one shelter alone, there were seven arrests in a single month, including one child who was 12 years old. We know this because we sued the federal government and acquired records for 266,000 migrant children held in U.S. custody over a six-year period.

In the case of the asylum-seeking Honduran boy, he’d already been in U.S. custody for nine months before he was tased, being shuttled to five different facilities in three states. He remains confined today, two years after he first arrived.

The new episode examines why places that are supposed to be taking care of vulnerable children are turning to law enforcement and whether the treatment of migrant children will change during the Biden administration.

Listen to the episode: Minor violations ([link removed])

Read the story: ‘I’m going to tase this kid’: Government shelters are turning refugee children over to police ([link removed])

Read more stories in this series:
* The Disappeared ([link removed])
* US detained migrant children for far longer than previously known ([link removed])
* Government isn’t reuniting migrant children with legal guardians ([link removed])

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The truth won’t reveal itself. Help us deliver the stories that make a difference. Donate today ([link removed]) .
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** Eight years after we reported on prison sterilization abuses, California will pay reparations to victims
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The California Institution for Women in Corona was one of two state prisons where female inmates were sterilized without required state approvals. Credit: California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation

In July, California passed a groundbreaking law: The state signed off on financial reparations for people who were sterilized without their consent in prison and in a 20th-century eugenics program. More than 20,000 people were sterilized in these programs, including procedures that state-funded doctors performed on incarcerated women without their consent all the way until 2010.

Those in-prison sterilizations were exposed in 2013 ([link removed]) by reporter Corey Johnson ([link removed]) while he worked here. Johnson spent months tracking down documents that showed prison doctors had sterilized nearly 150 women in prison without proper approval between 2006 and 2010.

Incarcerated women and prisoner advocates told Johnson that prison medical staff coerced the women, targeting those they deemed likely to return to prison in the future. The modern-day sterilizations hearkened back to the racist and sexist eugenics programs of California’s past, when doctors at state institutions forcibly sterilized people they deemed “feeble-minded” or “delinquent.” Johnson’s reporting prompted the Legislature to ban the practice and influenced the creation of a PBS documentary, “Belly of the Beast ([link removed]) ,” which galvanized support for the new reparations program.

Johnson, who now works for the Tampa Bay Times, shared what it felt like to see the reparations law become reality and how he reflects on the impact of his reporting today.

What got you interested in starting to report this story?

One lazy Sunday afternoon in my Sacramento apartment, I was washing dishes while CNN blared in the background. Suddenly, the broadcast aired a report on eugenics in America and it stopped me in my tracks. The segment revealed that California led the nation in forced sterilizations with over 20,000 victims in the early 1900s. It also asserted that the state was so prolific, Hitler's Nazis visited and took tips back to Germany that were included in their eugenics program against the Jewish people. My jaw dropped. Afterward, I began to wonder, “What does it look like to be a sterilization victim? Who are some of these people? What has life been like for them and their loved ones?” I decided to spend a few weeks digging for answers. After one particularly long day in the library, I had dinner with one of my sources and midway through, they said very matter-of-factly: “I don’t know why you’re spending so much time looking at the 1900s. Don't you know that sterilization is still happening? It’s
happening in the prisons.”

How did reporting this story change you?

I think what I learned the most was sensitivity. I learned the power and the necessity to be thoughtful about interviews, to take care not to revictimize people by asking certain questions at certain times. I learned a lot about the relationship-building that must happen when approaching people who have experienced trauma. The investigation also reinforced the idea that some abuses aren’t exclusive to political party – you could be either a blue state or red state and the ingredients will still be there. For example, California is considered the bluest of the blue states. Yet it took a crowbar to loosen the data from official hands. I mean, they were incredibly resistant, even though the public records law was on my side. Hurdle after hurdle appeared out of thin air. I was surprised how often I was forced to fight with them. The lessons from those battles will stay with me forever. At the end of the day, power is power. And when abuses occur, power will conceal.

How did you feel when the reparations bill passed?

The fact that California even took this step, which was once unthinkable, is huge. Huge. To see these victims, these families, get some recompense – it made me pause for a moment to reflect on the journey. There are tons of people who deserve credit for pushing for that bill and getting it passed. The advocates especially were on the front line when no one else was. But it was humbling to see that people remembered our work and connected with the documentary.

Journalism is very hard, as we know well. There's the financial strains. The culture in America has shifted to a bad place. Lots of people don't understand what we do. Lots of people don't appreciate what we do. So the news about reparations just made me remember the many ways this craft can be magical. When the work is right, it can be sublime.


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This newsletter is written by Sarah Mirk. Drop her a line (mailto:[email protected]?subject=weekly%20reveal%20feedback) with feedback and ideas!

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