Rep. Jim Jordan’s suggestion puts Pennsylvania Sen. Dave McCormick into the early presidential conversation, although McCormick previously said he did not intend to seek the White House.

Rep. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) floated Sen. Dave McCormick of Pennsylvania as a possible Republican presidential contender in 2028, adding an unexpected name to the party’s early discussion about who could succeed President Donald Trump.

The suggestion does not amount to a campaign announcement, formal endorsement, or evidence that McCormick is preparing a presidential bid. McCormick, in fact, said in September 2025 that he did not intend to run for president in either 2028 or 2032.

Still, Jordan’s willingness to raise the possibility is politically notable. Both men have close ties to Trump, military or athletic credentials that feature prominently in their public biographies, and influential positions inside the Republican Party.

Jordan chairs the House Judiciary Committee and has been one of Trump’s most dependable allies in Congress. McCormick, a first-term senator elected in one of the country’s most important battleground states, is receiving growing national exposure as Republicans gather for their 2026 midterm convention in Dallas.

McCormick previously ruled out a presidential campaign

McCormick directly addressed speculation about his national ambitions during a September 2025 interview with Politico.

“Where we are in our life, we have six daughters, I'm 60 years old, had a great private sector career,” McCormick said at the time, describing his Senate service as “the penultimate chapter.”

Asked about running for president in 2028 or 2032, McCormick said he did not plan to enter either race.

Politicians reconsider such declarations as circumstances change, particularly when encouraged by influential colleagues or party leaders. There is no confirmed indication, however, that McCormick has reversed his position.

Jordan’s comment should therefore be understood as early political speculation, not as the opening of a McCormick campaign.

The 2028 presidential contest remains more than two years away. Potential candidates could rise or fall based on the midterm elections, Trump’s second-term record, economic conditions, foreign conflicts, and the political strength of other Republican figures.

A battleground-state senator gains national attention

McCormick defeated Democratic Sen. Bob Casey in Pennsylvania’s closely contested 2024 election. His victory gave Republicans a Senate seat in a state that regularly plays a decisive role in presidential races.

The senator graduated from the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, served in the Army during the Persian Gulf War, held positions in President George W. Bush’s administration, and later became chief executive of the investment firm Bridgewater Associates.

McCormick first sought the Republican Senate nomination in 2022 but narrowly lost the primary to television physician Mehmet Oz. He returned two years later, secured the nomination, and defeated Casey.

His relationship with Trump has also strengthened since the occasionally bitter 2022 primary campaign. In March 2025, McCormick joined Trump and Jordan at the NCAA Division I wrestling championships in Philadelphia.

Wrestling provides another connection between McCormick and Jordan. McCormick competed at West Point, while Jordan was a four-time state champion in high school, a two-time NCAA champion at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, and later an assistant wrestling coach at Ohio State University.

A bipartisan introduction in Dallas

McCormick’s appearance at the Republican convention also attracted attention because he was introduced by Sen. John Fetterman (D-Pa.) in a prerecorded video Wednesday night.

Fetterman described himself as a “common sense Democrat,” promised to work with Trump on steel policy, and praised his Republican Senate colleague.

“He’s the kind of senator that gets the job done,” Fetterman said of McCormick. “And I’m proud to count him as my friend.”

The appearance gave McCormick an unusual bipartisan boost before a national Republican audience. It also reinforced an image that could prove valuable in Pennsylvania, where statewide candidates generally must appeal beyond their party’s most reliable voters.

What Jordan’s suggestion does — and does not — mean

Jordan’s remarks could elevate McCormick’s profile among Republican donors, activists, and voters who are beginning to consider the party’s future after Trump. They also invite greater scrutiny of McCormick’s record in business, government, and the Senate.

For now, Jordan has placed McCormick’s name into an emerging conversation. Whether that develops into a serious 2028 effort will depend first on McCormick himself — and on whether he changes the position he stated in 2025.

In a sharp departure from his campaign’s moderate framing on firearms, Democratic nominee James Talarico confirmed he would back federal prohibitions on popular semiautomatic rifles and standard-capacity magazines.

Texas Democratic state Representative James Talarico, who is challenging Republican Attorney General Ken Paxton for the U.S. Senate, explicitly confirmed this week that he would vote for federal legislation banning so-called "assault weapons" and magazines capable of holding more than 10 rounds.

The admission came in a brief video segment published online by Lone Star Liberty PAC. When asked directly whether he would vote in the U.S. Senate to prohibit the sale of semiautomatic rifles like the AR-15 and magazines holding over 10 rounds, Talarico responded without hesitation: "Absolutely."

The short response exposes a noticeable tension between Talarico’s direct statements to voters and the formal platform published by his Senate campaign. On his official campaign website, Talarico’s public platform focuses primarily on proposals that enjoy broader public poll support among independents — such as universal background checks, safe storage mandates, and raising the legal purchase age for semiautomatic rifles from 18 to 21. A total federal sales ban on semiautomatic rifles was omitted from those main policy bullet points.

However, the state lawmaker's recorded support for sweeping bans aligns with earlier unreleased media that surfaced during the race. In a 2020 video interview with a community group, Talarico similarly endorsed an "assault weapon ban" alongside restrictions on high-capacity magazines and federal safety standards for handgun design.

A Constitutional Debate over America’s Most Popular Rifle

Talarico's position places him directly at odds with mainstream gun rights groups and the established legal protections surrounding firearm ownership in the United States.

Opponents of firearm restrictions point out that so-called "assault weapons" — primarily AR-15-style semiautomatic rifles — are among the most widely owned firearms in the country. According to figures from the 2024 National Firearms Survey, American citizens lawfully own an estimated 40 million AR-15-style rifles and tens of millions of magazines capable of holding more than 10 rounds.

Under the legal framework established by the U.S. Supreme Court in District of Columbia v. Heller (2008) and expanded in New York State Rifle & Pistol Association, Inc. v. Bruen (2022), firearms that are in "common use" for lawful purposes receive strong protection under the Second Amendment. Gun rights advocates argue that because 30-round magazines come standard with most modern defensive rifles, attempting to ban them or the rifles themselves violates constitutional limits on federal power.

Talarico, however, has consistently defended his legislative stance by arguing that constitutional rights are not without boundaries. During a appearance on the "Unity Over Division" podcast earlier this summer, Talarico argued that the Second Amendment’s reference to a "well-regulated militia" provides clear authority for federal oversight.

"I believe in the Second Amendment just as much as I believe in the First," Talarico stated. "We have a right to bear arms to protect ourselves, our families... But like any freedom in the Bill of Rights, it's not absolute."

Campaign Fallout and Senate Stakes

The high-stakes Texas Senate contest between Talarico and Paxton is viewed by national strategists as a potential pivot point for control of the upper chamber.

Republicans and conservative advocacy groups quickly seized on Talarico’s comment, arguing it reflects a broader strategy among Democratic candidates to present a moderate image while harboring far-reaching regulatory ambitions. The National Rifle Association's Institute for Legislative Action (NRA-ILA) criticized the candidate's remarks, noting that millions of Texas households contain the very firearms and standard-capacity magazines Talarico pledged to ban.

Paxton, who has used his position as attorney general to challenge federal firearms rules in court, has framed the election as a fundamental test of Second Amendment protections in Texas.

As the campaign enters its final weeks, Talarico’s explicit commitment to supporting a federal ban gives Paxton and conservative organizations a clear opening to mobilize voters on firearms ownership — an issue that historically carries massive turnout potential across Texas.

U.S. and Middle Eastern officials say Tehran is assembling new missiles from stockpiled components, but production remains well below prewar levels after extensive American and Israeli strikes.

Iran has resumed limited production of ballistic missiles inside underground facilities, according to a new intelligence assessment that complicates earlier claims that American and Israeli strikes dealt a lasting blow to Tehran’s long-range weapons program.

The Islamic Republic is assembling both liquid- and solid-propellant missiles from components that survived the opening phase of the war. The work remains constrained by damaged factories, disrupted supply chains, and the destruction of specialized manufacturing equipment, officials told The Wall Street Journal.

The available evidence does not indicate that Iran has restored its prewar missile production capacity. But Tehran appears to have preserved enough components, technical expertise, and protected infrastructure to begin building missiles again.

Limited assembly is a long way from rebuilding the sprawling prewar industrial system Iran relied on to grow its arsenal.

But the renewed production demonstrates something significant: The strikes did not eliminate one of the Islamic Republic’s most important military programs — and that Tehran retains at least some capacity to rebuild it.

Iran Moves Production Underground

Officials familiar with the intelligence said Iran is relying on underground facilities, including portions of the Khojir missile complex near Tehran.

Launchers, storage areas, assembly lines, and command facilities have been placed beneath mountains or deep underground to make the network difficult to destroy in a single bombing campaign.

The Journal reported that Iran is assembling both liquid-propellant and solid-propellant ballistic missiles.

Liquid-fueled missiles generally must be fueled before launch, a process that can take time and expose the weapon to surveillance or attack. Solid-fueled missiles can remain stored in a more launch-ready condition, allowing Iranian forces to fire them with less warning.

Officials believe Iran retained a substantial inventory of components after the initial air campaign. Estimates of how many completed missiles those parts could produce range from several hundred to potentially thousands, depending on the availability of propulsion systems, guidance equipment, warheads, and other specialized parts.

Intelligence agencies can identify construction, vehicle movement, industrial activity, and missile launches. Determining exactly what workers are assembling inside a protected underground complex is significantly more difficult.

WATCH: Inside footage of an Iranian underground missile-production facility

Strikes Caused Extensive — but Incomplete — Damage

The United States and Israel made Iranian missile infrastructure a central target during the opening stages of the war.

The campaign struck factories, launchers, storage areas, command sites, and industrial facilities associated with missile components and solid-fuel propellant production.

Commercial satellite imagery previously showed Iranian crews clearing obstructed entrances to underground missile sites and repairing damaged installations. Reports in May indicated that workers had reopened dozens of access points at multiple underground complexes after airstrikes trapped equipment and launchers inside.

Iran also appears capable of rebuilding its missile program more quickly than its nuclear infrastructure.

Ballistic missiles can be assembled from dispersed components at several locations. Uranium-enrichment facilities require highly specialized centrifuges, reliable electrical systems, carefully controlled environments, and equipment that is considerably more difficult to manufacture and replace.

Missile production, by contrast, can be divided across separate facilities responsible for engines, airframes, guidance systems, warheads, and final assembly.

That dispersed structure makes complete destruction extremely difficult.

Tehran Signals a More Aggressive Strategy

Iran’s reported production restart comes as Tehran publicly promotes new missile capabilities and threatens more assertive action against the United States and its regional partners.

Iranian officials have highlighted the Qassem Basir, a solid-fueled ballistic missile derived from the earlier Haj Qassem system. Tehran claims the weapon has improved accuracy, an electro-optical terminal-guidance system, a warhead weighing roughly half a ton, and a range of at least 745 miles.

Tehran recently claimed that it fired a Qassem Basir at American warships near the Strait of Hormuz. U.S. officials said the vessels avoided the attack, and it remained unclear whether Iran had used the weapon it identified.

Stockpiled Components Buy Iran Time

The most immediate advantage for Iran is not the construction of new factories. It is the ability to use parts manufactured before the war.

Existing engines, airframes, guidance packages, and other components allow technicians to assemble finished weapons while damaged production lines are repaired or replaced.

Iran will eventually need to restore its ability to manufacture critical parts, particularly solid-fuel engines, advanced guidance equipment, specialized metals, and electronic components that can be difficult to obtain under sanctions.

How long the stockpile lasts will depend on three factors:

• How many usable components survived the air campaign.
• How quickly Iran continues firing missiles.
• Whether Tehran can restore domestic production or obtain replacement equipment from abroad.

Iran could potentially seek technology, machine tools, materials, or electronic components from Russia, China, or covert procurement networks. U.S. officials have long accused foreign suppliers of helping Tehran obtain items useful for missiles, drones, and guidance systems, although the extent of any current assistance has not been publicly established.

Recovery Creates a Long-Term Challenge

Iran’s renewed production presents Washington and Jerusalem with an uncomfortable choice.

Additional strikes could slow the recovery, but eliminating an entire missile industry would require persistent surveillance and repeated attacks on facilities dispersed across a large country.

Even successful strikes may destroy completed missiles or visible machinery without eliminating the engineers, designs, manufacturing knowledge, and covert supply networks required to rebuild them.

Sanctions and export controls can make that process slower and more expensive. Iran, however, has decades of experience obtaining restricted goods through intermediaries, front companies, and covert procurement networks.

The new intelligence assessment therefore represents neither a complete Iranian recovery nor an insignificant development.

American and Israeli attacks appear to have sharply reduced Tehran’s missile production capacity. Iran’s underground facilities and stockpiled components nevertheless allowed it to preserve the core of the program and resume limited assembly.

The central question is no longer whether Iran’s ballistic-missile industry survived. It is how quickly Tehran can restore the manufacturing capacity needed to produce those weapons at scale — and whether further U.S.-Israeli strikes can prevent it from doing so.