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...read about Beirut’s broken glass.

A catastrophic explosion erupted in Beirut on Aug. 4, killing nearly 200 people and leveling the area near the city’s port. The blast also blew out windows throughout the city, creating [[link removed]] a layer of glass shards that blankets streets, apartments, and shops. Cleaning the glass has become a shared task, from people finding stray shards in their homes weeks after the explosion to highway maintenance crews transporting dump trucks full of debris away from destroyed buildings. So far, 58 tons of glass have been sent to a Lebanese glass factory in an attempt to recycle the shards, and another 40 tons are expected. Yet, even with the recycling efforts, as people try to rebuild the estimated 87,000 homes damaged by the explosion, they are finding that replacing the lost glass is difficult in a country where the economy was under tremendous strain before the accident.

Peacekeeping in name only

A new article [[link removed]] in International Studies Review uses the example of the recently concluded United Nations peacekeeping mission in Darfur to understand why some countries welcome peacekeepers and then restrict their ability to act once they arrive.

It initially seems strange to bring in peacekeepers and then tell them not to do anything, but countries that host peacekeepers are trying to score points with two different audiences with different preferences. One audience, the international community, can offer a host country international legitimacy in exchange for the host country accepting international troops on its soil as part of a peace deal.

Domestic audiences, however, are often less keen on having international troops around. If, for example, regime allies want to continue fighting after a peace deal is in place, that preference can be accommodated by the host country revoking its consent for peacekeepers to undertake certain types of operations in certain locations, effectively preventing the peacekeepers from doing their jobs.

FORWARD TO A FRIEND [[link removed]] Voices of Guantanamo Bay

A new book of graphic nonfiction by journalist Sarah Mirk, and a range of artists, tells the stories of people involved with the American detention facility at Guantanamo Bay and various attempts to close it. An excerpt [[link removed]] draws from interviews with Matt Diaz, a Navy lawyer who was imprisoned after leaking classified information about the facility to civil liberties advocates.

At the time, the Supreme Court had ruled that Guantanamo detainees had a right to appear before a judge, but the military was withholding their names, which was a major impediment for lawyers who were trying to represent them. Diaz tried to send the list to the Center for Constitutional Rights.

The environment around the case was so tense that lawyers at the center were concerned that the list Diaz sent was a trap, and they turned it over to the Justice Department, which led to Diaz’s arrest. It wasn’t until a Freedom of Information Act suit forced the military to release the names that it became clear that Diaz had been trying to help the civil libertarians.

FORWARD TO A FRIEND [[link removed]] DEEP DIVE Misusing culture in international politics: Part I

As recently declassified tapes [[link removed]] of Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger’s racist rants against Indians, Africans, and others once again demonstrate, perception and misperception of culture play a major and understudied role in international policymaking. Leaders are prone to making decisions based on views of an adversary’s culture that often have little basis in reality. Even if they are not as explicitly racist as Nixon’s complaint that Indians are “sexless” and easily bullied, cultural misperceptions can still shape political outcomes. In the next two editions of Deep Dive, we’ll look at new research on the uses and misuses of cultural differences in international relations.

Historian Jennifer Miller has a new article [[link removed]] in the journal Modern Intellectual History that charts a longstanding project by neoconservative defense intellectuals to turn perceptions of East Asian culture into ammunition for a global political agenda. One of the core policy debates of that era was why East Asian economies performed so well while other economies largely stagnated. One answer, popular among American conservatives and neoconservatives, was that East Asian societies were able to prosper due to shared Confucian values that, the argument went, promoted a “collectivism” well-suited to industrialization.

The validity of that explanation is still a subject of debate today. The idea that East Asian countries share one overriding view of Confucian values is a fiction, and even if it were not, historians point out that before Confucianism was thought of as helping usher in modernity, it was often presented as being a major impediment to modernity. Culturally essentialist explanations of historical phenomena tend not to stand up to close scrutiny. Miller, however, is less interested in the truth of the claim than the purpose it served for the people making it. “Why,” she asks, “would this group of Americans, who had minimal expertise on East Asia, claim that the most visible example of recent capitalist success emerged from Asian religious and intellectual traditions?”

The answer, she finds, lies in two political projects that have only a passing relationship to American East Asia policy. The first is a familiar refrain from the right that capitalist success is, in general, tied to maintaining traditional value systems. In 1978, leading neoconservative Irving Kristol wrote that people improve their lots under capitalism through “prudence, diligence, trustworthiness, and an ambition largely channeled toward ‘bettering one’s condition,’” a personal responsibility argument that would not seem out of place in a Republican campaign speech today (or a Tory one in Britain, for that matter). If economic growth in East Asia was really the result of embracing Confucian values, then neoconservatives in the US could make the case that a return to traditional American values would jumpstart lagging economic growth at home.

The second use of the Confucianism explanation, though, was as a cudgel in international relations. Another important policy debate of this era was the fate of a proposed New International Economic Order (NIEO), an effort by many post-colonial states to reshape the world economy in a way that would roll back the damage done by colonialism. NIEO advocates argued that colonialism was responsible for continued underdevelopment in much of the world and sought greater control over their country’s economic interactions with major markets and multinational corporations as well as aid and technology transfers from former colonizers. To neoconservatives, who saw the worldwide expansion of their version of capitalism as crucial to capitalism’s survival, such a change was unthinkable.

Even the thought of the NIEO sent neoconservative writers into high dudgeon. Kristol wrote that fighting off the NIEO was a question of maintaining “liberal civilization in general.” To do so, NIEO opponents would have to argue against the underlying case that colonialism hampered economic growth in post-colonial countries. In that pursuit, the idea that Confucianism caused East Asia’s economic expansion was invaluable. East Asia had been subject to a great deal of colonial exploitation, but, neoconservative analysts argued, it had overcome that past by applying what one termed “effort, hard work, and ingenuity.” Surely, then, it was culture, not colonial past, that accounted for discrepancies in development.

Neoconservatives applied the same level of expert analysis they utilized to praise East Asian cultures in attacking Latin American and African cultures. In books like “Underdevelopment Is a State of Mind: The Latin American Case,” and articles invoking the “extreme backwardness of the aborigines, pygmies, nomads or African tribesfolk,” neoconservatives charged formerly colonized people with being the architects of their own relative poverty through cultural deficiency. By venerating an imagined set of Confucian values shared across East Asia and denigrating other cultures as infected with a “spirit of patrimonialism and mercantilism,” neoconservatives were able to shift blame for economic inequality between states away from colonialism.

Regardless of the role it did or did not play in the East Asian economic success stories of the 1970s and '80s, the imagined Confucian consensus in East Asia proved valuable to the American internationalist right. In the end, former colonial powers did defeat the NIEO’s proposed reforms, due in no small part to the vociferous advocacy of American neoconservatives. Cultural arguments, it turns out, need not be rooted in truth to be effective.

FORWARD TO A FRIEND [[link removed]] SHOW US THE RECEIPTS

Sabreen Abdelrahman explored [[link removed]] the history of exchange programs between US law enforcement agencies and Israeli police and military forces. The programs have been running since the early 1990s and have brought hundreds of American police to Israel and the Palestinian territories to learn Israel’s counterterrorism approach and implement it in the US. Israel’s counterterrorism record, especially as part of its occupation of Palestinian territories, is littered with human rights violations including executions, torture, and attacks on peaceful protesters, and Abdelrahman argues that the exchange programs have contributed to increased police abuses in the US. The New York Police Department’s Muslim surveillance program, for instance, drew inspiration from Israeli programs in the West Bank, before a discrimination lawsuit forced changes to the program.

Pete McKenzie marked [[link removed]] the occasion of Russia testing an anti-satellite weapon by examining the US approach to the growing militarization of space. American policymakers often view the development of space weapons as a kind of arms race, similar to the nuclear arms race of the Cold War. However, McKenzie explained, Russia and China’s development of anti-satellite capabilities is about more than keeping up with the Joneses — it is an attempt to shape the future security environment by emphasizing the vulnerability of the space-based systems on which so much technology relies. The US growing its anti-satellite capability won’t make its own satellites any safer, nor deter Russia and China in space. Instead, McKenzie argued, the US needs to try an approach it has so far ignored: pursue space arms control agreements.

Sophie Bjork-James compared [[link removed]] the QAnon conspiracy theory to the Anti-Masonic Party, a 19th-century American political party devoted to rooting out a supposed cabal of Freemasons who secretly ran the country. By the 1830s, dozens of anti-Masons had been elected to Congress, and in 1832 they ran a presidential candidate who received 8% of the vote. QAnon doesn’t have its own political party, but QAnon believer Marjorie Taylor Greene is likely to be elected to Congress this year after winning the Republican primary in Georgia’s heavily red 14th district.

FORWARD TO A FRIEND [[link removed]] WELL PLAYED

Are you passionate about telling the difference between denying the lifelong negative “effects” of separating migrant children from their families and denying the lifelong negative “affects” of separating migrant children from their families? Apply now [[link removed]]!

The Canadian national anthem actually originates at this [[link removed]] moment, when Canada signed in the wrong place and all the other allies said, “O, Canada,” in unison and then the first-ever sitcom laugh track played.

Two “Boogaloo Bois” were charged [[link removed]] last week after attempting to sell gun parts to an undercover FBI employee who was posing as a Hamas operative. The two men wanted to work with Hamas because they believed the Palestinian group shared their goal of overthrowing the US government. In the end, the only progress they made toward that goal was to make federal prosecutors say the words “Boogaloo Bois” and “Boojahideen” with a straight face.

A vision of a world [[link removed]] in which anti-drone weapons deliver “robotomies.”

Presumably, this [[link removed]] article’s “new vision for America’s North Africa policy” is to turn the State Department’s maps counterclockwise 90 degrees, so that Tanzania is in North Africa. Bold!

This [[link removed]] is Count Von Count slander and we won’t stand for it.

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Great Power Competition is: “I think we should really look at it through the lens of uh… competition." — a real life security expert.

Worried yet? Listen and subscribe now on Apple Podcasts [[link removed]], Stitcher [[link removed]], Spotify [[link removed]], Pocket Casts [[link removed]], or wherever you get your podcasts to receive a new episode every two weeks.

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Critical State is written by Sam Ratner and is a collaboration between The World and Inkstick Media.

The World is a weekday public radio show and podcast on global issues, news and insights from PRX, BBC, and WGBH.

With an online magazine and podcast featuring a diversity of expert voices, Inkstick Media is “foreign policy for the rest of us.”

Critical State is made possible in part by the Carnegie Corporation of New York.

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