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RETURN OF THE YELLOW MONSTER OF THE DINÉ: URANIUM MINING ON THE BIG
REZ  
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Bill Hatch
April 27, 2026
CounterPunch
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_ Some young billionaires and wannabes, with minds full of fungible
narratives about new riches in data centers and small modular
(nuclear) reactors, have begun to speculate on resuming uranium mining
on the Colorado Plateau _

Church Rock uranium mine, Navajo Nation lands., EPA

 

A dark storm cloud of ignorant financial speculation hovers above the
Navajo Nation, the largest Indigenous reservation in the country, rich
in mineral resources, livestock, farms and sacred landmarks. It
stretches across parts of northern Arizona and New Mexico, and
southern Utah. Some young billionaires and wannabes, with minds full
of fungible narratives about new riches in data centers and small
modular (nuclear) reactors, have begun to speculate on resuming
uranium mining on the Colorado Plateau. Mountain-state members of
Congress authored a successful bill to make buying Russian uranium
ready processed for power-plant use illegal (except when no other
source is available – which is most of the time), the moribund
uranium-futures market has begun to rise, and the mining press has
begun to write about a uranium boom. A mine near the rim of the Grand
Canyon started up in December 2023, despite local protests,
particularly by the Havasupai tribe living directly below the mine. It
had already contaminated one aquifer in an earlier incarnation.  Four
more mines on the Colorado Plateau are in various stages of
permitting. Diné activists have begun protests against these mines. 
A mill that processes uranium to power-plant specifications is
operating in southern Utah and faces continual opposition from one of
the Ute tribes living nearby, protesting against air and water
pollution.

A battle is shaping up on the Colorado Plateau between its Native
inhabitants and capitalist natural resource plunderers. The government
and the speculators will pose the question in terms of property
rights. But Diné activists, with more than adequate data, pose the
issue in terms of their health, the health of miners who died of
cancers and lung disease, and even of unborn children exposed to
radioactive waste around abandoned uranium-mine tailings.

During World War II, the Manhattan Project at Los Alamos, New Mexico,
developed the atomic bomb, using uranium in part from the tailings of
vanadium mines on the Navajo Reservation. From the late 1940s to the
late 1980s, during the Cold War, the federal government played an
unusually filthy role in the affairs of Native tribes living on the
Plateau, mainly Diné. It used its property rights to tribal land
“held in trust” to facilitate the opening of hundreds of
practically unregulated mines on the reservations, its National
Security authority to be the sole buyer of uranium, and even invoked
National Security to prevent the Surgeon General from notifying
miners, mainly Diné and Hopi, of the health risks from working in
uranium mines. When rates of lung and kidney diseases and cancer began
to soar among retired miners, the federal government, with few
exceptions, ignored the growing health crisis among the miners, many
of whom had been code talkers during WWII. “National Security”
became a vehicle for the federal government to open the reservation
for the plundering of as much uranium as it desired.

Stewart Udall, JFK’s Secretary of the Interior, was an exception,
however, who spent years after he left government representing victims
of atomic bomb tests downwind and ailing miners and working on
legislation which at long length became the Radiation Exposure
Compensation Act in 1990, providing (with some serious flaws)
compensation to miners and downwind victims of radiation exposure from
nuclear bomb tests.

Udall commented on the behavior of the Atomic Energy Commission in his
book, _The Myths of August_:

When AEC officials embraced the idea that their efforts would be
discredited and disrupted if they admitted that radiation might cause
cancers or that their activities were exposing innocent bystanders to
excessive doses of radiation, they were entering a moral wasteland.
All subsequent decision-making was perverted by that twisted
reasoning. It fostered a conviction that it was more important to
protect the tests than to protect civilians. And it spawned a policy
that the impact of radiation on human health and all ‘harmful’
facts about radiation ‘accents’ had to be concealed from the
American people.

RECA was allowed by Congress to expire in 2024 but was reauthorized in
2025, with yet another sunset provision. Evidently, Republicans
focused on the political horror of imported Russian uranium decided to
repress all knowledge of the domestic consequences of uranium mining,
but later relented at least on behalf of the downwinder communities.

Despite whatever the rhetoric of the moment has been, the
government’s de facto policy about health damage from uranium mining
in Indian Country has been to try to wait out and not compensate as
many of the sick and dying as possible. In the case of the Diné, the
sickness of contemporary American “narrative” is on full display,
making icons of WWII Navajo code talkers but ignoring completely what
happened to so many of them who took jobs in uranium mines after the
war.

Alongside RECA, years of frustrating effort by Diné and supporters at
last led to government surveys of abandoned mines and plans to remove
radioactive waste, which, until warned, people were still using as
material to build houses and fences. The problem with the achievement
of these goals has been money. The only safe way to detoxify the
Native lands on the Colorado Plateau is to remove the mine waste. But
that has proved to be very expensive, in most cases more expensive
than the finance caps the feds have placed on the enabling
legislation. And there remains the problem of where to safely store
material that is radioactive for hundreds of thousands of years.

Editors for the _American Indian Republic_ described the living
situation on the reservation in October 2017 in harsh terms:

Despite many of these efforts to reconcile the damaging effects of
uranium mining on the Navajo Nation reservation, pollution from the
uranium has made it unsafe for many people to live on the reservation
long term. While many of the abandoned mines shut down years ago,
mounds of toxic waste are still piled atop the dirt as the radioactive
dust has become a primary issue for many local Tribal residents, with
the continued struggle to restore their sacred land and to remove the
contaminated material still underway.

Areas affected by Abandoned Uranium Mines. Map: GAO.

The American Indian Movement opposed relocation programs for Natives
with the 1969-occupation of Alcatraz Island, the former federal
penitentiary in San Francisco Bay, and with subsequent Lakota
uprisings and political agitation on other reservations during the
1960s and 70s. Minneapolis-based AIM continues to deliver cultural,
historical and practical education to its members.

At the 1992 World Uranium Hearing in Salzburg, Diné activist Phil
Harrison Jr. described the situation:

My father, when he died two years ago, was only 43 years old. It was
very, very hard for me to see him die a painful death. He weighed only
90 pounds when he left us. I have never witnessed anything like the
way he died. And I watched my mother suffer. My mother had to pick up
the responsibilities of raising us. . . . Hundreds have died now of
similar patterns, mostly from lung cancer and respiratory problems.
The first 16 miners who died, their average age was only 43 years. . .
Today, we still have to look for solutions and continue to explore
options of how we have to deal with this, providing proper health
services and cleaning up of leftover tailings and abandoned uranium
mines. There are over 1,200 mines abandoned right now. The radioactive
waste is still very hot and ranges 50 to 100 times over the natural
background. The abandoned mines are still hot and pose health risks by
emitting radon gases. One of these mines that leak water, the
livestock feed on it. 26 years after the mining has stopped, we are
left with the waste, the sickness and sometimes no alternatives to
restore what was the original. The genocide will never be forgotten. .
. . Yes, compensation is available, but money will not make up for the
loss of our loved ones. The radioactive waste they say is safe, why
can’t they be placed in their own backyard?”

Chairman of the Diné Uranium Remediation Advisory Commission, Perry
Charley, created a program some years ago to educate the Diné about
the dangers of uranium in their own language, including a glossary of
scientific and mining terms in Navajo. One of DURAC’s most recently
selected commissioners, Leona Morgan, brings 20 years of activism with
her, including the Haul No! campaign against trucking uranium ore for
300 miles from an Energy Fuels Inc. mine through the reservation to an
EFI processing mill in southern Utah. Haul No! was founded by Klee
Benally, a Diné and European artist, musician, writer and activist
who was also active in campaigns to preserve the San Francisco Peaks,
one of the four mountains sacred to the Navajos. Other Haul No! The
co-founders were Morgan and Sarana Riggs, a Chiricahua and Diné
cultural and environmental educator.

The Navajos have a tradition for celebrating a baby’s first laugh.
When, at around three months, a child lets out its first “real
giggle,” the witness of the event is tasked with holding a party to
celebrate.

For four years, Anna Rondon, executive director of Gallup-based New
Mexico Social Justice Equity Institute, was the co-principal
investigator for the Navajo Department of Health in the ongoing Navajo
Birth Cohort Study, part of a federal study of 55,000 children
nationwide, which has found heavy metals in newborn Diné babies’
systems.

Dr. Tommy Rock, professor in the Earth Sciences Department of Northern
Arizona University, has spent his life studying environmental damage
on Indigenous lands and advocating for change. He is particularly
knowledgeable and eloquent on the subject of toxic dust on the
Colorado Plateau.

Doug Brugge and Aaron Datesman’s book, _Dirty Secrets of Nuclear
Power in an Era of Climate Change_, deals with radioactive waste from
nuclear power plants, generally stored on site. The study looks at the
danger of low-level radioactive leaking, some of it constant, from
nuclear power plants. Datesman’s thesis is that the unacknowledged
dangers of constant or frequent radioactive exposure would apply
equally to radioactive mine waste on the reservation, which people
pass by frequently, even daily, for going to and from school, or to
work, or herding livestock.

Nevertheless, a new technological “solution” has been proposed and
federally permitted to remediate toxic wastes from abandoned uranium
mines throughout the Colorado Plateau and the Sonoran Desert.  It is
called High Pressure Slurry Ablation, a proprietary technology of
Casper, Wyoming-based DISA Tech.

DISA Tech CEO Greyson Buckingham described the process for _Cowboy
State Daily:_

Imagine like a tennis ball being covered in mud and you’re shooting
these tennis balls at each other. What happens when they hit? The mud
breaks off, but the tennis balls stay intact. And that’s what
we’re doing, effectively just shooting millions of particles at a
time at each other.

In a DISA Tech press release announcing the Nuclear Regulatory
Commission’s decision to grant his company a unique license to mine
AUM tailings from Gallup to Spokane, Buckingham said:

This license represents a turning point in how our nation confronts
legacy uranium contamination. For decades, AUM sites have been viewed
as a burden too complex and costly to clean up. Today, we have a
clear, regulated pathway to do it faster, safer, and at lower
cost—while recycling valuable resources that support our nation’s
energy future. We’re deeply grateful to Chairman Wright, the NRC
Commissioners, the bipartisan leadership of Senators Lummis and Kelly,
Navajo Nation leadership, and other key stakeholders for helping make
this vision a reality.

A key figure Buckingham failed to acknowledge was DISA’s lead
lawyer, Washington DC-based, Pillsbury Law partner, Jeff Merrifield, a
former presidential appointee to the Nuclear Regulatory Commission.
Celebrating the license, a unique permit granted by the NRC,
Merrifield said:

This is the kind of American innovation that unites environmental
remediation, national security, and economic revitalization. It’s
proof that when agencies work together, technology can turn legacy
problems into lasting progress.

About that time, Merrifield was made a member of the board of
directors of DISA Tech.

Meanwhile, in this developing struggle, Morgan told Source New Mexico
that ongoing, indecisive state and federal cleanup efforts are
“better late than never,” but emphasized that the state should
approach cleanup in a culturally sensitive manner and establish
permanent monitoring.

Additional funds would unlock further cleanups, New Mexico Environment
Department Uranium Mine Reclamation Coordinator Miori Harms told
Source NM, noting that the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency

technically has the jurisdiction, but they tend to prioritize their
sites, and these are the smaller ones that fall out the bottom. But
they certainly present physical safety hazards and environmental
hazards that we don’t want in our state.

New Mexico state Senator Jeff Steinborn said it was “incumbent” on
the federal government to pitch in further: “It’s great that
we’re appropriating money ($20 million) to clean up some sites and
help people out. But it’s a much bigger cost than what our state can
afford.”

However, if local, state, and federal decision makers, convinced by
political and economic rather than scientific studies of the
effectiveness of DISA’s technology, then governments, beginning with
the Navajo Nation itself, are expected to argue that it will be safe
to mine uranium again on the assumption that DISA’s miracle
technology will reduce or possibly eliminate the costs of cleanup.

Such a deal!

This “ablated” highly radioactive material, gathered outside
abandoned uranium mines and concentrated by the HPSA process, will be
trucked, despite a Navajo law against it, through the reservation to
the mill in southern Utah. The precedent for breaking this law was
established in 2025 when the Arizona governor paused transport of EFI
ore to assist negotiations between Energy Fuels Inc’s Pinyon Plain
mine and the Navajo Nation. The deal the tribe and the company reached
provided that the company would truck “as much as 10,000 tons of
uranium-bearing cleanup materials from abandoned uranium mines within
the Nation,” and — entering the twilight world of discretionary
funds– “make further contributions to support the Nation’s
transportation safety programs, education, the environment, public
health and welfare, and local economic development on the Navajo
Nation relating to uranium matters.”

A new agreement with DISA Tech, facilitated by the Director of the
Navajo Nation Environmental Protection Agency Steven Etsitty, will
probably piggyback on the Pinyon Pine mine deal.

DISA Tech informed _Cowboy State Daily_ in 2025:

The US Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) accepted DISA ‘s
application for a license to use its technology to remediate waste at
abandoned mine sites in April, when the regulator set a schedule for a
detailed technical review and developed and deployed a clear,
first-of-its-kind regulatory framework which saw the licensing
approval process completed in six months – much quicker than the
18-24 months it might have taken previously.

It is the first of its kind because the Nuclear Regulatory Commission
somehow cut out the federal Environmental Protection Agency from the
process after EPA tests of the ablation process in 2022 concluded:
“HPSA treatment did not achieve site-specific Navajo residential
cleanup goals for uranium or for Ra-226 for waste processed at any of
the three sites …” In any event, there would have been no way to
produce a meaningful environmental impact statement according to NEPA
requirements for a set of projects proposed across the length and
breadth of the Colorado Plateau and the Sonoran Desert.

The federal government has never attempted to determine the costs for
cleaning up the radioactive contamination on the Navajo Reservation
caused by 40 years of uranium mining, although partial estimates
exist.  The government’s interest in DISA Tech’s water-spray
gadget is because it is a lot cheaper than any cleanup estimates and
it appears to do the job.

The United States government granted the Native tribes aboriginal
title to tribal ancestral lands, property rights of occupation and
use, subordinated to the federal government’s ultimate ownership of
the underlying soil.  The Navajo Tribal Council was created in the
1920s to sign oil leases negotiated by the federal government.
Traditionally, tribal organization was very diffuse, reflected today
in the 110 chapters of local government. So, Native people can occupy
and use their native lands according to treaties until such time the
federal government decides to exploit the land’s natural resources,
like uranium, rare earth metals, coal, and oil.

Blasting near Black Mesa, Navajo Nation land. Photo: Jeffrey St.
Clair.

Another bad-faith assumption behind the HPSA process is that uranium
mining will be safe now because today we have environmental law and
regulation. But this project violates the National Environmental
Protection Act in numerous ways, detailed in comment letters to the
NRC, yet on it goes, practically speaking, exempted from NEPA.

Eric Jantz, staff attorney for New Mexico Environmental Law Center,
commented on the DISA license application to the Nuclear Regulatory
Agency, writing:

In its speculative scenario where it assumes DISA’s hypothetical
HPSA operations will perform flawlessly. NRC fails to consider the
only actual data available that indicates HPSA waste (coarse fraction)
will, in many cases, leach contaminants into the ground and
groundwater. By any standard, the NRC failed to take the required
“hard look” at HPSA…The TetraTech Report, which is the sole data
source for the NRC’s analyses, indicates that ablation byproduct
material, i.e., the coarse fraction left behind after ablation, would
have uranium and radium concentrations high enough to make areas where
the coarse fraction remains unsuitable for residential or agricultural
use in most cases…Additionally, NRC fails to consider impacts of
climate change on water availability. Had NRC done so, it would have
found that water scarcity will increase dramatically in arid Southwest
regions, including New Mexico, and a FONSI (Finding of No Significant
Impact–ed) would be inappropriate…Given increasing water scarcity
in New Mexico and around the Southwest and DISA’s proposed water
usage, NRC cannot justify a finding of no significant impact, even on
a generic level.

Speculative thinking on uranium recently achieved absurd arrogance in
the New Mexico state Legislature when Sen. Anthony “Ant” Thornton,
former executive director of Sandia National Laboratories, tried to
get nuclear relisted as renewable energy, which would circumvent a
state law requiring half the energy for utilities to be renewable by
2050 to achieve the state’s requirement for clean air and water.
Opponents, who stopped the bill in committee, argued that the waste
from the small modular reactors proposed to be scattered throughout
New Mexico would remain on their sites. The politicians didn’t want
their districts to have to deal with the problems the Diné face.

A nuclear advocacy organization, Clean Energy Associates of New
Mexico, sponsored a conference at the Pritzker-owned Hyatt Regency
Tamaya resort on the Santa Ana Pueblo, 30 miles north of Albuquerque,
starting on April 20th. The event title, “Nuclear New Mexico:
Fueling the US Nuclear Renaissance,” indicates clearly that more
than 40 presenters from nuclear energy companies and local, state, and
federal government officials were talking about uranium mining in New
Mexico. Lately, there have been frequent reports of mine permit
applications on the edges of the Navajo Nation. Stephen Etsitty,
director of the Navajo EPA, spoke on the first day. DISA’s
Buckingham presented his company’s project during the conference. A
sizable group of demonstrators against a “nuclear renaissance” was
on site in protest.

More from the _Cowboy State Daily_ puff piece on DISA Tech:

This (NRC) license represents a turning point in how our nation
confronts legacy uranium contamination,” said Greyson Buckingham,
DISA’s CEO, President, and Co-Founder. “For decades, AUM sites
have been viewed as a burden too complex and costly to clean up.
Today, we have a clear, regulated pathway to do it faster, safer, and
at lower cost—while recycling valuable resources that support our
nation’s energy future. We’re deeply grateful to Chairman Wright,
the NRC Commissioners, the bipartisan leadership of Senators Lummis
and Kelly, Navajo Nation leadership, and other key stakeholders for
helping make this vision a reality…Investors include Halliburton
Labs and Valor Equity Partners…

This unique license to process uranium-mine wastes from Gallup to
Spokane without further environmental review took many business,
educational, social, and political connections. Former Vice President
Dick Cheney was CEO of Halliburton before going to the White House.
Cheney grew up in Casper, Wyoming and called it home during his decade
in Congress. Casper is the headquarters for DISA Tech. Sen. John
Barrasso, author of the Senate bill to ban the purchase of Russian
uranium for power plants, also lives in Casper. Barrasso was a student
at Georgetown University, where he received a BS and an MD. DISA’s
cofounder, Greyson Buckingham, also received a BA and MA in American
government from Georgetown. DISA’s attorney and board member, Jeff
Merrifield, received his law degree from Georgetown. Antonio Gracias,
founder and CEO of Valor Private Equity Partners, which manages $17.5
billion in assets for more than 360 companies and funds, received a
master’s degree from the Georgetown School of Foreign Service before
going to law school at the University of Chicago, where he was a
classmate of Liz Cheney. Gracias joined Chicago high society and
became a trustee of UC and of the Aspen Institute. Gracias has
raised  $30 million for DISA from Valor headquarters in Chicago.

As a result of early investments, Elon Musk put Gracias on the board
of Tesla and later on the board of SpaceX. At Trump’s Department of
Government Efficiency, Musk put Gracias on the team investigating the
Social Security Administration and later in charge of the task force
on immigration. Gracias was encouraged to retire from DOGE when
American Federation of Teachers’ president Randi Weingarten
complained that he and his executives weren’t adequately managing
AFT’s $1.8 billion investment and other pension funds because of
their work with DOGE.

“For decades, tribal and rural communities in Arizona, and
particularly on the Navajo Nation, have lived with the health and
environmental consequences of abandoned uranium mines,” said
Arizona Senator Mark Kelly. “This license is a meaningful step
toward finally addressing legacy uranium contamination in a way that
protects public health, strengthens our energy security, and delivers
results for the communities most affected. I’m thankful to Senator
Lummis, who has been a partner in advancing this work, the Navajo
Nation, and to Chairman Wright and Commissioners Marzano and Crowell
at the NRC for taking this important step.”

The senator is listening to money, not to his own constituents
directly affected by AUM radioactive wastes. They say, in whatever
public forum they meet, most often in their local chapter meetings,
that they want the waste to be removed, not partially remediated. The
senator’s job to get the policy and funding to make that happen
instead of talking about “meaningful steps” at ceremonies of
political corruption. What about the steps of the children who tend
sheep on contaminated land?

Aerial view of uranium mill on Navajo Nation land near Shiprock, New
Mexico. Photo: Department of Energy.

“The extensive contamination remaining today is an ongoing breach of
trust and a breach of specific treaty commitments,” wrote law
professor Nadine Padilla in her _Colorado Law Review_ article,
“Abandoned Mines; Abandoned Treaties: The Federal Government’s
Failure to Remediate Abandoned Uranium Mines on the Navajo Nation.”
Padilla brilliantly documents the violations of law and ethics
surrounding this issue. She concludes,

In a time of national need, the United States relied on and benefited
from the uranium mined on Navajo lands. The Navajo people bore the
burden of this extensive mining and continue to bear the burden as the
reservation remains saddled with hundreds of abandoned mines that
leach contaminants throughout the soil, water, and air. The extensive
contamination remaining today is an ongoing breach of trust and a
breach of specific treaty commitments…the federal government must
take action and provide a full and fair remedy for impacted Navajo
communities. The United States must honor its treaty commitments and
trust obligations by providing the Navajo people a permanent home for
their prosperity and happiness—as expressly agreed to in the Navajo
treaties.

People who believe in the philosophy of Moving Fast and Breaking
Things are attempting once again to bulldoze people who believe in
_Áádóó naʹ nileʹ díʹ éí dooda,_ that delicate matters and
things of importance must not be approached recklessly. It is a
conflict between people with no respect for elders vs. people with
great respect for elders, despite the large loss of elders to diseases
arising from uranium mining and abandoned mine waste.

Setting aside Amory Lovins’s observation a decade ago that
“Nuclear prices only go up. Renewable energy prices come down,”
DISA Tech’s HPSA project may be bad economics and violates
environmental regulation, but it also encourages financial speculation
in uranium mining in the Intermountain Region.  The performance by
the boys from Georgetown U. was A #1,  elite, plutocratic
political/economic corruption. Barrasso is a doctor; Gracias’s
entire family, both parents and three siblings, are in medicine.
Reason enough for their AMA contempt for an ancient culture whose
entire religion is based on the healing of individuals. What could the
Diné know about their own health and environment that Dr. Barrasso
and Mr. Gracias would listen to when they are betting millions and
their reputations on the resumption of uranium mining?

The financial speculators are guided by plutocratic, ecomodernist
think tanks. The Diné are defending what remains habitable of their
homeland. Their guides include: the collective memory of a terrible
history of exploitation, illness and premature death; their remaining
elders; a few brave activists and intelligent, educated tribal members
who must often oppose their own tribal council; and medicine men and
women concerned with the physical, mental and spiritual health of
their tribe. The Diné understand that energy from the dangerous,
toxic business of uranium mining produces nuclear bombs, technology
and cancer, and ask if the gamble is worth the health of their
children.

Is the distribution of more nuclear power-plant waste worth the health
of anyone’s children?

Regretfully, the limitless demand for more electricity resembles a
Breccia-pipe uranium mine on the Plateau. Look down deep enough into
it and you see old Leetso, uranium, the Yellow Monster of the
Diné, grinning back at you and hoarsely whispering, “National
Security.”

_BILL HATCH lives in the Central Valley in California. He is a member
of the Revolutionary Poets Brigade of San Francisco. He can be reached
at: [email protected]__._

_The COUNTERPUNCH website is offered at no charge to the general
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