From xxxxxx <[email protected]>
Subject Charlotta Bass's Acceptance Speech for Vice Presidential Candidate of the Progressive Party (1952)
Date August 12, 2020 2:08 AM
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[Charlotta Bass was the first Black woman to run for Vice
President of the United States, on the Progressive Party ticket in
1952. Her speech is particularly relevant as Kamala Harris builds on
her legacy today.] [[link removed]]

CHARLOTTA BASS'S ACCEPTANCE SPEECH FOR VICE PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE OF
THE PROGRESSIVE PARTY (1952)   [[link removed]]

 

Charlotta Bass
September 21, 2008
Black Past
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_ Charlotta Bass was the first Black woman to run for Vice President
of the United States, on the Progressive Party ticket in 1952. Her
speech is particularly relevant as Kamala Harris builds on her legacy
today. _

Progressive Party VP candidate Charlotta Bass (right) and PP
presidential candidate Vincent Hallinan, 1952,

 

_Los Angeles newspaper owner and political activist Charlotta Bass
began her career as a conservative Republican.  By the 1940s,
however, she moved to the political left.  In 1948 she supported
Progressive Party candidate Henry Wallace in his failed bid for the
Presidency.  Four years later she was nominated for Vice President on
the Progressive Party ticket.  She was the first African American
woman to carry a political party’s nomination for the second highest
office in the land.  Bass’s acceptance speech given at the Chicago
convention of the Progressive Party on Sunday, March 30, 1952, appears
below._

I stand before you with great pride.

This is a historic moment in American political life.

Historic for myself, for my people, for all women.

For the first time in the history of this nation a political party has
chosen a Negro woman for the second highest office in the land.

It is a great honor to be chosen as a pioneer. And a great
responsibility. But I am strengthened by thousands on thousands of
pioneers who stand by my side and look over my shoulder—those who
have led the fight for freedom—those who led the fight for women’s
rights—those who have been in the front line fighting for peace and
justice and equality everywhere. How they must rejoice in this great
understanding which here joins the cause of peace and freedom.

These pioneers, the living and the dead, men and women, black and
white, give me strength and a new sense of dedication.

I shall tell you how I come to stand here. I am a Negro woman. My
people came before the Mayflower. I am more concerned with what is
happening to my people in my country than in pouring out money to
rebuild a decadent Europe for a new war. We have lived through two
wars and seen their promises turn to bitter ashes. Two Negroes were
the first Americans to be decorated for bravery in France in World War
I, that war that was fought to make the world safe for democracy. But
when it ended, we discovered we were making Africa safe for
exploitation by the very European powers whose freedom and soil we had
defended. And that war was barely over when a Negro soldier, returning
to his home in Georgia, was lynched almost before he could take off
his uniform. That war was scarcely over before my people were stoned
and shot and beaten in a dozen northern cities. The guns were hardly
silenced before a reign of terror was unloosed against every minority
that fought for a better life.

And then we fought another war. You know Dorie Miller, the spud peeler
who came out of his galley to fight while white officers slept at
Pearl Harbor. And I think of Robert Brooks, another “first Negro”,
and of my own nephew. We fought a war to end fascism whose germ is
German race superiority and the oppression of other peoples. A Negro
soldier returned from that war—he was not even allowed to take off
his uniform before he was lynched for daring to exercise his
constitutional right to vote in a Democratic primary.

Yes, we fought to end Hitlerism. But less than 7 years after the end
of that war, I find men who lead my government paying out my money and
your money to support the rebirth of Hitlerism in Germany to make it a
willing partner in another war. We thought to destroy Hitlerism—but
its germ took root right here. I look about me, at my own people—at
all colored peoples all over the world. I see the men who lead my
government supporting oppression of the colored peoples of the earth
who today reach out for the independence this nation achieved in 1776.

Yes, it is my government that supports the segregation by violence
practiced by a Malan in South Africa, sends guns to maintain a bloody
French rule in Indo-China, gives money to help the Dutch repress
Indonesia, props up Churchill’s rule in the Middle East and over the
colored peoples of Africa and Malaya. This week Churchill’s general
in Malaya terrorized a whole village for refusing to act as spies for
the British, charging these Malyan and Chinese villagers who enjoyed
no rights and no privileges—and I quote him literally—“for
failing to shoulder the responsibility of citizenship.” But neither
the Malayan people—nor the African people who demonstrate on April
6—will take this terror lying down. They are fighting back.

Shall my people support a new war to create new oppressions? We want
peace and we shall have freedom. We support the movement for freedom
of all peoples everywhere—in Africa, in Asia, in the Middle East,
and above all, here in our own country. And we will not be silenced by
the rope, the gun, the lynch mob or the lynch judge. We will not be
stopped by the reign of terror let loose against all who speak for
peace and freedom and share of the world’s goods, a reign of terror
the like of which this nation has never seen.

For 40 years I have been a working editor and publisher of the oldest
Negro newspaper in the least. During those 40 years I stood on a watch
tower, watching the tide of racial hatred and biogotry rising against
my people and against all people who believe the Constitution is
something more than a piece of yellowed paper to be shut off in a 
glass case in the archives, but living document, a working instrument
for freedom.

Yes, during those 40 years, the Eagle stirred her nest, led the
struggles of my people, taught them to work with labor as the one
group that could help break down racial differences and open the door
for Negro people. I have stood watch over a home to protect a Negro
family against the outrages of the Ku Klux Klan. And I have fought the
brazen attempts to drive Negroes from their homes under restrictive
covenants. I have challenged the great corporations which Negroes in
their plants. I have stormed city councils and state legislatures and
the halls of Congress demanding real representation for my people.

I have fought not only for my people. I have fought and will continue
to fight unceasingly for the rights and privileges of all people who
are oppressed and who are denied their just share of the world’s
goods their labor produces. I have walked and will continue to walk in
picket lines for the right of all men and women, of all races, to
organize for their own protection and advancement. I will continue to
cry out against police brutality against any people, as I did in the
infamous zoot suit riots in Los Angeles in 1944, when I went into dark
alleys and reached scared and badly beaten Negro and Mexican American
boys, some of them children, from the clubs and knives of city police.
Nor have I hesitated in the face of that most unAmerican Un-American
Activities Committee—and I am willing to face it again. And so help
me God, I shall continue to tell the truth as I know it and believe it
as a progressive citizen and a good American.

As I stand here on this platform presenting the cause of the
Progressive Party, I cannot help but hark back to the 30 years I spent
in the Republican Party as an active member. Often as a member of the
Republican Party I was as bewildered and as hopeless for the future as
the children of Israel when they marched through the Jordan and failed
to envision on the other side. I remember 1940, when I was chosen as
Western Regional Director for Wendell Wilkie’s campaign for the
pre-Republican headquarters right here in Chicago, I found two
worlds—upstairs was a world for white Republicans and down below was
the world for Negro Republicans.

Yes, I could not see the future clear in the Republican Party, as the
children of Israel did not see their future. But if you remember, when
the liberation came to these victims of Pharoah’s hate, as they
crossed over, they dragged from the bed of the stream 12 stones and
built a monument to commemorate the rolling away of the burdens of
their bondage. As a member of the great elephant party, I could not
see the light of hope shining in the distance, until one day the news
flashed across the nation that a new party was born. In 1948, in the
Progressive Party, I found that one political world that could provide
a home big enough for Negro and white, for native and foreign born, to
live and work together for the same ends—as equals.

Here in this party was the political home for me and for my people.
Here no one handed me a ready made program from the back door. Here I
could sit at the head of the table as a founding member, write my own
program, a program for me and my people, that came from us. In that
great founding convention in Philadelphia in 1948 we had crossed the
Jordan. There we shared in the labor of building a platform stone by
stone, choosing candidates, creating a new political party—as
equals.

Now perhaps I could retire. I had helped to found a home for my
people. I looked forward to a rest after forty years of struggle.

But how could I retire and where could I retire as long as I saw what
Frederick Douglass saw and felt what he did, the need to stand up for
the downtrodden, to open my mouth for the dumb, to remember those in
bonds as bound with me.”

Could I retire when I saw that slavery had been abolished but not
destroyed, that democracy had been won in World War I, World War II,
only to take roots in my own country where it blossomed and bloomed
and sent forth its fruits to poison the land my people had fought to
preserve! Could I retire without thinking of Dorie Miller, of Robert
Brooks, of my own nephew John Kinloch who gave up a brilliant career,
helped set up the first mixed regiment of white and Negro troops, and
then went ahead of them to die in the Battle of the Bulge? I think
often of John who was to take over my beloved paper, of John who died
that those for whom he fought might enjoy the freedom and liberty for
which he lay down his life.

I could not retire and step aside when Rose Lee Ingram and her two
boys were railroaded to jail for defending themselves. Could I turn a
deaf ear to Rosalie McGee? Where was that Shangri-La in these United
States where I could live and breathe in dignity? Where my people
enjoyed the rights for which their sons and nephews died? In the North
there were the Trenton Six demanding justice; in the Middle West was
Cicero. In the South there stood Amy Mallard, the Wartinsville Seven,
and unnamed hundreds of unavenged deaths that cried out. There was no
rest in Florida—there a cross was burning and a bomb killed Harriet
Moore and her husband; and white justice sniffed out the life of
Samuel Shepherd, threatened Lee Irvin.

No, this new uprising of Terror was not confirmed to the South. It
spread throughout the country, goaded and inflammed by persons in high
places who created hysteria every time they opened their mouths. In,
New York, just a few miles from where I live, they stoned my people at
Peekskill—and a governor of a great state defended them. Only last
week a Yonkers policeman shot and killed Wyatt and James Blackhall in
cold blood—and was held on a minor charge.

Where were the leaders of my nation—yes, my nation, for God knows my
whole ambition is to see and make my nation the nest in the
world—where were these great leaders when these things happened? Why
was my President silent when Harriet Moore died? And why did he not
call on the Governor of Florida, a fellow Democrat, on his visits to
Key West? What did General Eisenhower say or do about mob lynchers and
legal lynchers of my people? General MacArthur rode through Georgia in
triumph, like another general 85 years ago, but this general drew the
applause of the Klan, the Moore dynamiters the lynchers.

Where were these great leaders who talked so grandly about freedom and
spent even more grandly to crush it—what were they doing about my
people losing jobs in Detroit while profits were piling up.

To retire meant to leave this world to these people who carried
oppression to Africa, to Asia, who made profits from oppression in my
own land. To retire meant to leave the field to evil. For there is an
evil that stalks in our land, evil that strikes at my people, that
would enslave all people, that would send up the world in flames, rob
us of our earnings to waste on arms, destroy out living standards,
corrupt our youth, silence and enslave us with Smith Acts, McCarran
Acts, passed by concentration camp Congressmen.

I believe in a world of good and not of evil. A month ago in New York
City, doctors announced the discovery of a new drug that promised a
real cure for tuberculosis, that dread killer. Only last week I looked
at the pictures of the patients who had offered themselves to try out
this new drug. I looked closely at these pictures. I counted the
faces. There were ten patients shown. Eight of these ten were Negroes.
And seven of these eight were Negro women. Who was it that named
tuberculosis the “great white plague”—when three times as many
Negroes as whites died from it?

Those pictures symbolize the plight of our people today—yes, and the
promise of tomorrow. Tuberculosis is not a disease of race—it is a
disease of poverty. It strikes my people hardest because North and
South Negro workers earn less than half of what white workers earn. It
strikes my people here in Chicago who live 90,000 to the square mile.
It strikes my people who live in Harlem 4,000 to the square block, so
crowded that all of America could be put into half of New York.

This is what we fight against. We fight to live. We want the $65
billion that goes for death to go to build a new life. Those billions
could lift the wages of my people, give them jobs, give education and
training and new hope to our youth, free our sharecroppers, build new
hospitals and medical centers. The $8 billion being spent to rearm
Europe and crush Asia could rehouse all my people living in the
ghettos of Chicago and New York and every large city in the nation.

We fight that all people shall live. We fight to send our money to end
colonialism for the colored peoples of the world, not to perpetuate it
in Malan’s South Africa, Churchill’s’ Malaya, French Indo-China
and Middle East.

You have called me to lead the fight against evil, the fight for human
life and human dignity. I am indeed proud to answer the call of this
party of progress. Can you conceive of the party of Taft and
Eisenhower and MacArthur and McCarthy and the big corporations,
calling a Negro woman to lead the good fight in 1952? Can you see the
party Truman, of Russell of Georgia, of Rankin of Mississippi, of
Byrnes of South Carolina, of Acheson, naming a Negro woman to lead the
fight against enslavement?

I am stirred by the responsibility that you have put upon me. I am
proud that I am the choice of the leaders of my own people and leaders
of all those who understand how deeply the fight for peace is one and
indivisible with the fight for Negro equality.

And I am impelled to accept this call, for it is the call of all my
people and call to my people. Frederick Douglass would rejoice, for he
fought not only slavery but the oppression of women. Above all,
Douglass would counsel us not to falter, to “continue the struggle
while a bondsman in his chains remains to weep.” For Douglass had
that calm resolution which led fast while others waivered, that
steadfastness which helped to shape the party of Abraham Lincoln and
held it fast to the fight for abolition.

I make this pledge to my people, the dead and the living—to all
Americans, black and white. I will not retire nor will I retreat, not
one inch, so long as God gives me vision to see what is happening and
strength to fight for the things I know are right. For I know that my
kingdom, my peoples of all the world, is not beyond the skies, the
moon and the stars, but right here at our feet—acres of
diamonds—freedom—peace and justice—for all the peoples if we
will but stoop down and get them.

I accept this great honor. I give you as my slogan in this
campaign—“Let my people go.”

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