Dr. Fauci: 'There's No Inconsistency' in Banning Church and Business But
Allowing Mass Protests
Posted: 02 Aug 2020 08:00 AM PDT
BY TYLER O'NEIL
Dr. Anthony Fauci testifying before Congress (Erin Scott/Pool via AP)
During a House Judiciary Committee hearing on Friday, Rep. Jim Jordan
(R-Ohio) pressed Dr. Anthony Fauci on whether the government should
restrict the massive Black Lives Matter protests across the country in
order to slow the spread of the coronavirus. Fauci admitted that crowds
full of people not wearing masks would likely spread the virus, but he
refused to say whether or not protests would do so. He also refused to make
any recommendations on limiting protests, even though he had made many
recommendations in the past.
At one point, Fauci even insisted that “there’s no inconsistency” in
preventing people from going to work, going to church, and going to school
but allowing them to gather in massive crowds to protest.
“Dr. Fauci, do protests increase the spread of the virus?” Jordan began.
Fauci said he could only make a “general statement” about crowds.
“Well, half a million protesters on June 6 alone, I’m just asking, that
number of people, does it increase the spread of the virus?” Jordan pressed.
“Crowding together, particularly when you’re not wearing a mask,
contributes to the spread of the virus,” Fauci responded.
“Should we limit the protesting?” Jordan pressed.
“I’m not sure what you mean,” Fauci responded.
“Should government limit the protesting?” the congressman clarified.
Fauci stuttered, “I- I- I don’t think that’s relevant to…”
“Well, you just said, it increases the spread of the virus. I’m just
asking, should we limit it?” Jordan insisted.
“Well, I’m not in a position to determine what the government can do in a
forceful way,” the doctor said.
Jordan noted that Fauci has made “all kinds of recommendations” on subjects
such as baseball, dating on Tinder, and government-mandated lockdowns.
Fauci recently said there would likely be “no need” for a second
When it comes to protests, however, Dr. Fauci refused to take a position.
“No, I think I would leave that to people who have more of a position to do
that,” he said.
“Government’s stopping people from going to church, Dr. Fauci,” Jordan
noted. He referenced the Calvary Chapel case, in which the Supreme Court
recently allowed a Nevada ban to remain in place. Jordan quoted Supreme
Court Justice Neil Gorsuch’s dissent in the case.
“‘There’s no world in which the Constitution permits Nevada to favor
Caesar’s Palace over Calvary Chapel.’ I’m just asking, is there a world
where the Constitution says you can favor one First Amendment liberty,
protesting, over another, practicing your faith?” Jordan asked.
“I’m not favoring anybody over anybody. I’m just making a statement that’s
a broad statement. Avoid crowds of any type, no matter where you are,”
Fauci insisted. “I don’t judge one crowd versus another crowd.”
Yet Jordan noted that violent riots have broken out at protests. “There’s
been no violence I can see at church. I haven’t seen people at a church
service go out and harm police officers and burn buildings,” he said. “But
for 63 days, nine weeks, it’s been happening in Portland. One night in
Chicago, 49 officers were injured.”
Jordan also noted that New Jersey cops arrested gym owners Ian Smith and
Frank Trumbetti for violating a lockdown order by operating their business.
“Ian Smith, Frank Trumbetti were arrested for trying to open their gym,” he
said. “But my bet is if these two individuals who owned this gym were
outside, just in front of their gym, and all the people who were working
out in their gym had been outside protesting, they would have been just
fine. But because they were in the gym working out, actually running their
business, they got arrested. You think that’s okay?”
“I’m not going to opine,” Fauci said.
“But do you see the inconsistency?” the congressman pressed.
“There’s no inconsistency, Congressman,” Fauci said.
“So you’re allowed to protest, millions of people in one day, in crowds,
yelling, screaming, but you try to run your business, you get arrested? And
if you stood right outside that building and protested, you wouldn’t get
arrested? You don’t see any inconsistency there?”
Fauci again dodged the question. “I don’t understand what you’re asking
me,” he said, refusing to opine on “who should get arrested.”
“You’ve advocated for certain businesses to be shut down. I’m just asking
your position on the protest,” Jordan insisted. “We’ve heard a lot about
hair salons. I haven’t seen one hairstylist, who, between haircuts, goes
out and attacks police or sets something on fire. But we’ve seen all kinds
of that stuff during protests. And we know the protest actually increases
the spread of the virus.”
Yet Fauci refused to even admit that protests increase eh spread of the
virus. “I said crowds. I didn’t say specifically. I didn’t say protests do
anything,” he insisted.
“But do you understand Americans’ concern? Protesting, particularly
according to the Democrats, is just fine, but you can’t go to work, you
can’t go to school, you can’t go to church,” Jordan noted.
Later in the hearing, Jordan returned to the issue of consistency.
“I think all the First Amendment is important. Democrats seem to think it’s
just the right to protest,” he said. Yet the First Amendment lists five
freedoms: religion, speech, press, assembly, and petition.
“The very first one the Founders mentioned was the right to practice your
faith, but government’s putting all kinds of limits on Americans’ ability
to do that, and Democrats are just fine with it,” Jordan said. ” I want
consistency, that’s what I want.”
“Kids can’t go get what they need to put them on the path to achieving the
American dream, but boy, they can protest,” he warned. “The ability to
engage in your livelihood, the ability to have your kids get an education,
the ability to practice your faith are just as important, in my mind, as
Fauci may not have meant to encourage the disgusting inconsistency of
arresting people for going to work or going to church but not for
protesting, but he did say, “there’s no inconsistency, Congressman.”
Such a statement is absurd on its face. Of course, there is an
inconsistency in this position. Jordan is right: gym owners, hairstylists,
and parishioners do not take breaks from their business and worship just to
engage in violent attacks on police officers and federal courthouses, but
the Black Lives Matter protests — particularly in Portland — have provided
cover for just that.
Fauci’s unwillingness to even admit that the protests would spread the
coronavirus is shameful. His blanket insistence that “there’s no
inconsistency” is even worse. This seems reminiscent of Fauci’s ridiculous
claim that New York responded “properly” and “correctly” to the coronavirus
He said this of New York, which served as the epicenter for the spread of
the virus. He said this of New York, where Gov. Andrew Cuomo (D) forced
nursing homes to admit coronavirus patients from hospitals, likely exposing
elderly New Yorkers, who are more vulnerable to the virus. This may have
cost upwards of 10,000 lives. He said this of Mayor Bill de Blasio (D), who
did not cooperate with Cuomo and delayed issuing a lockdown, allowing New
York City to become the epicenter for the virus in America.
Fauci needs to clarify his position — and withdraw his ridiculous statement
that there is “no inconsistency” on lockdowns.
Tyler O’Neil is the author of Making Hate Pay: The Corruption of the
Southern Poverty Law Center. Follow him on Twitter at @Tyler2ONeil.
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The 2009 H1N1 Pandemic: The New Flu Virus Emerged And We Did Not Destroy
Posted: 01 Aug 2020 05:01 PM PDT
2009 H1N1 Pandemic (H1N1pdm09 virus)In the spring of 2009, a novel
influenza A (H1N1) virus emerged. It was detected first in the United
States and spread quickly across the United States and the world. This new
H1N1 virus contained a unique combination of influenza genes not previously
identified in animals or people. This virus was designated as influenza A
(H1N1)pdm09 virus. Ten years later work continues to better understand
influenza, prevent disease, and prepare for the next pandemic.Summary of
Progress since 2009Ten Years of Gains: A Look Back at Progress Since the
2009 H1N1 PandemicThe 2009 H1N1 Pandemic: A New Flu Virus EmergesThe
(H1N1)pdm09 virus was very different from H1N1 viruses that were
circulating at the time of the pandemic. Few young people had any existing
immunity (as detected by antibody response) to the (H1N1)pdm09 virus, but
nearly one-third of people over 60 years old had antibodies against this
virus, likely from exposure to an older H1N1 virus earlier in their lives.
Since the (H1N1)pdm09 virus was very different from circulating H1N1
viruses, vaccination with seasonal flu vaccines offered little
cross-protection against (H1N1)pdm09 virus infection. While a monovalent
(H1N1)pdm09 vaccine was produced, it was not available in large quantities
until late November—after the peak of illness during the second wave had
come and gone in the United States. From April 12, 2009 to April 10, 2010,
CDC estimated there were 60.8 million cases (range: 43.3-89.3 million),
274,304 hospitalizations (range: 195,086-402,719), and 12,469 deaths
(range: 8868-18,306) in the United States due to the (H1N1)pdm09
virus.Disease Burden of the H1N1pdm09 Flu Virus, 2009-2018Since the 2009
H1N1 pandemic, the (H1N1)pdm09 flu virus has circulated seasonally in the
U.S. causing significant illnesses, hospitalizations, and
deaths.MoreAdditionally, CDC estimated that 151,700-575,400 people
worldwide died from (H1N1)pdm09 virus infection during the first year the
virus circulated.** Globally, 80 percent of (H1N1)pdm09 virus-related
deaths were estimated to have occurred in people younger than 65 years of
age. This differs greatly from typical seasonal influenza epidemics, during
which about 70 percent to 90 percent of deaths are estimated to occur in
people 65 years and older.Though the 2009 flu pandemic primarily affected
children and young and middle-aged adults, the impact of the (H1N1)pdm09
virus on the global population during the first year was less severe than
that of previous pandemics. Estimates of pandemic influenza mortality
ranged from 0.03 percent of the world’s population during the 1968 H3N2
pandemic to 1 percent to 3 percent of the world’s population during the
1918 H1N1 pandemic. It is estimated that 0.001 percent to 0.007 percent of
the world’s population died of respiratory complications associated with
(H1N1)pdm09 virus infection during the first 12 months the virus
circulated.The United States mounted a complex, multi-faceted and long-term
response to the pandemic, summarized in The 2009 H1N1 Pandemic: Summary
Highlights, April 2009-April 2010. On August 10, 2010, WHO declared an end
to the global 2009 H1N1 influenza pandemic. However, (H1N1)pdm09 virus
continues to circulate as a seasonal flu virus, and cause illness,
hospitalization, and deaths worldwide every year.
The case for charter schools
Posted: 01 Aug 2020 12:55 PM PDT
By Scott Johnson | POWERLINE
Kevin Williams reviews Thomas Sowell’s new book on charter schools in the
July 27 issue of National Review. The review is published under the
headline The Collapsing Case against Charter Schools.” The review opens:
Thomas Sowell — who will have just turned 90 when this review is published
— could have retired by now. He could be publishing the memoirs of a
celebrated intellectual or the late-career tracts of an éminence grise.
What does he give us, instead? A methodologically rigorous, closely argued,
data-driven case for charter schools, with very little high-flown rhetoric
(I noted one exclamation point) and 94 pages of data tables. Charter
Schools and Their Enemies is a bloodbath for Sowell’s intellectual
opponents, and it ought to be a neutron bomb in the middle of the
school-reform debate. But Thomas Sowell has been giving the reading public
and the policymaking class some of the most intelligent advice to be had
for many decades — why would they start listening to him now?
Much of Charter Schools and Their Enemies is dedicated to the seemingly
simple — but not simple — project of comparing educational outcomes at
charter schools with those at conventional public schools. He begins with
an illustrative case that will be familiar to many conservatives: The Texas–
Iowa public-school comparison. If you judged simply by scores on
standardized tests, you would conclude that Iowa has much better public
schools than does Texas. But there’s a wrinkle: White students in Texas
outperform white students in Iowa, Hispanic students in Texas outperform
Hispanic students in Iowa, and black students in Texas outperform black
students in Iowa. But Iowa is very, very white, and Texas is not. The
source of the disparity in standardized-test outcomes for white, black, and
Hispanic students is of course the subject of some controversy, but those
disparities are longstanding, they are similar in many cities and states
and from urban to rural areas, and they are slow to change — with one
important exception: in charter schools. In conventional public schools,
the majority of the students are white or Asian; in charter schools, the
majority of the students are black or Hispanic. Studies finding that
charter schools perform only about as well as conventional schools actually
tell us something very interesting: that in charter schools the racial gap
in achievement has been significantly diminished and in many places
eliminated, while in public schools it has not.
Sowell’s major analysis considers the overwhelmingly black and Hispanic
student populations in both charters and conventional public schools in New
York City. Why these students? For one thing, Sowell has gone to great
lengths here to compare students who are very similar to one another. In
fact, Sowell’s main study is limited to charter-school students attending
class in the same building as conventional public-school students in the
same grade, in schools that are majority-black and -Hispanic, with a
special focus on the charter-school networks that meet in five or more
buildings, meaning the biggest charter groups: KIPP, Success Academy,
Explore, Uncommon, and Achievement First. Focusing on these New York City
students has a couple of added benefits: New York keeps track of students
by ethnicity and socioeconomic status, facilitating a better
apples-to-apples comparison, and — crucially, for the purposes of this kind
of study — it assigns children to charter schools through a lottery.
Parents have to nominate their children for a spot, and there is presumably
some difference between the parents who bother and the parents who don’t,
but the charter schools are not able to cherry-pick the best students and
thereby pad out their performance numbers.
And the numbers? That’s the bloodbath I mentioned.
There is, as one would expect, significant variability in the performance
of the charter schools, just as there is significant variability in the
performance of the conventional public schools. (And here it bears
underscoring: Charter schools are public schools, publicly funded and
serving public-school students; the difference is that charter schools are
relieved of some of the constraints imposed on conventional schools by
public-sector unions, their financial interests, and the political
interests built atop those financial interests.) In almost every case, the
charter schools — including the worst of them — outperformed the
conventional public schools operating in the same buildings, in the same
neighborhoods, serving very similar students. In most cases, the share of
charter-school students achieving proficiency or better on standardized
tests was a multiple of the number of the conventional public-school
students doing so; similarly, in most cases the number of conventional
public-school students receiving the lowest classification on those same
tests was some multiple of the number of charter-school students doing so.
Sowell lets the data speak for themselves, reporting the high and low
English and math figures for each of his comparison sets.
(Sowell’s convention is to group the grade levels the charters and
conventional public schools have in common in each of the buildings they
have in common; so, for example, if a charter school has four grades in
common with public schools in five buildings, that produces 20 grade levels
for comparison. It looks a little weird at first, but it makes sense.)
For the charter schools, the data are a litany of triumph, and for the
conventional public schools, they are a lamentation….
Williamson concludes his review on a bitter if realistic note: “Our
political culture is sick, and many of our institutions are corrupt. Many
of them would not be capable of acting on what they could learn from
Charter Schools and Their Enemies even if they were so inclined, which they
aren’t. Thomas Sowell is a national treasure in a nation that does not
entirely deserve him.” The review makes for compelling reading. I wanted to
bring it to the attention of readers along with Sowell’s new book.
Mark Levin devoted a recent episode of Life, Liberty & Levin to an
interview with Sowell about the book. I can’t find a video of that
interview online, but Peter Robinson got there first last month just after
Sowell had turned 90 (video below).
CLICK HERE TO VIEW THE VIDEO Thomas Sowell: A legend at 90
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