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Dear John,

The results are in! Over 3,500 people responded to our ‘2025 Unpacked’ survey, and you certainly had a lot of strong opinions about the events of the past year.

Your answers offer one of the clearest snapshots we’ve seen of how politically engaged people are feeling about Britain right now, not just what you think, but why you think it.

We’ll break down your responses in full, and what they tell us about the state of our democracy.


** Survey Takeaways
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Here’s what you told us…and what we took from it

1. The biggest impact on British democracy in 2025

The most common answer (33%) was ‘anti-immigration protests and heated migration debates.’ You consistently framed migration as something that has dominated political energy, hardened divisions, and reshaped how politics feels - louder, harsher, and more polarised. A quarter of respondents also highlighted the cost of living crisis and post-Brexit economic troubles.

What it tells us: Migration topped the list not because our supporters are obsessed with it, but because they recognise it's become the arena where democratic failure plays out most visibly.

When mainstream parties can't have honest conversations about trade-offs - because FPTP punishes nuance and rewards simplistic positioning - the debate gets captured by those willing to prey on the vulnerable outsider.

Meanwhile, the issues most people actually want addressed (housing, the cost of living) stay stuck. It's not that politicians don't know what matters; it's that the system doesn't reward them for tackling it.

2. Are we closer to the democracy people want?

An extraordinary 85% of you said that Britain has moved further away from the democracy they want in 2025. Very few felt things had improved. There’s a conclusive and almost unanimous sense that our democracy is declining.

What it tells us: An overwhelming majority recognise that our democracy is on the decline. That's not a verdict on one government - it's a verdict on the system itself. When dissatisfaction is this widespread and this consistent, it can't be fixed by a change of management.

Our supporters understand this intuitively: the problem isn't who's in charge, it's the rules that determine how they got into power and what incentives they face to deliver for the majority once they’re there.

3. What dominated political discussion?

Linked to Issue 1 above, an overwhelming majority of respondents said that migration dominated political debate. Other major issues barely registered by comparison, even though many respondents care deeply about them.

What it tells us: Migration and Reform dominated - not because they're the most important issues, but because they're the most dramatic. Modern political media has a strong bias toward conflict, personality, and novelty. That's just how media works.

But when the political system is also designed around winner-takes-all confrontation, there's nothing to counterbalance it. No incentive for coalition-building, no reward for complexity, no space for 'this will take ten years to fix.' The media and the electoral system feed each other's worst instincts.

4. What *should* have dominated political discussion?

When asked what should have taken centre stage, people pointed to:
* Wealth inequality
* The cost of living
* Public trust
* Climate change

Almost no respondents thought migration should have been the top issue.

What it tells us: Health, housing, cost of living, climate - these are the issues people actually lie awake worrying about. The gap between this list and what dominated the headlines isn't just frustrating; it's a democratic problem in its own right.

When people's real priorities are perpetually sidelined, they stop believing politics is for them. That's how you get 85% saying democracy has moved further away from what they want. It's not apathy. It's a rational response to being ignored.

5. Reform UK’s rise – what happens next?

The most common expectation is that Reform’s surge will level off, but a substantial share think it will continue, or aren’t sure. Uncertainty itself is significant here.

What it tells us: Here's the democratic reform angle we need more people to talk about: if Reform UK is here to stay, FPTP becomes even more volatile and unrepresentative. A three-way or four-way vote split means governments could win stonking majorities on 30% of the vote - or parties with genuine mass support could be shut out entirely.

Either way, the gap between what people vote for and what they get keeps widening. That's not sustainable.

6. The Greens’ rise - what happens next?

More respondents believe the Greens’ momentum will continue than fade.

This contrasts with views of Reform, where a plateau is the most common expectation.

What it tells us: This contrast is instructive. Our supporters see Reform's rise as driven by backlash; they see the Greens' rise as driven by underlying values shifts on climate and inequality. But here's the thing: under FPTP, neither trend translates fairly into representation.

The Greens won four seats on nearly two million votes; Reform won five on slightly more. Whether you welcome these shifts or worry about them, the current system is failing to reflect them accurately - which means it's failing to process them democratically.

7. How was “Your Party” received?

Nearly half described it as an ‘embarrassing mess’, with many others calling it a ‘missed opportunity’. Very few saw it as particularly hopeful or inspiring.

What it tells us: The reception to Your Party was fascinating - it showed a genuine appetite for new voices, but deep scepticism about whether they can break through. That scepticism is rational: under FPTP, new parties face a brutal catch-22. You can't win seats without credibility, and you can't build credibility without winning seats.

The system is designed to protect incumbents and punish insurgents - unless those insurgents get lucky with concentrated geographic support. That's not a level playing field; it's an obstacle course rigged against innovation. No wonder our politics is stuck.

8. What’s the future of the Conservative Party?

The most common expectation is a merger or alignment with Reform UK, with many others unsure what comes next.

What it tells us: For decades, FPTP's defenders argued it delivers stable two-party government. Our supporters aren't buying it anymore. They see a fragmenting right, a struggling Labour government, and no clear path back to the old duopoly. But here's the problem: FPTP was designed for two-party politics.

When that assumption breaks down, the system doesn't adapt - it just produces increasingly distorted results. We could be heading into an era of governments elected by a third of the country, claiming mandates they don't have. That's not productive stability; it's a legitimacy crisis waiting to happen.

9. What do people think the Government is most worried about?

Respondents overwhelmingly think that Keir Starmer’s Government fears losing voters to Reform UK above all else.

What it tells us: This is what happens when the electoral system punishes governing: instead of asking 'what does the country need?', politicians are forced to ask 'which marginal seats might we lose?'.

Our respondents have clocked this - they see a Government making decisions through the lens of electoral survival, not national interest. That's not a criticism of Labour specifically; it's what FPTP does to every government.

10. What should the Government be most worried about?

By far the top answer (58%) was loss of public trust. People want leadership focused on legitimacy and integrity, not just voter management.

What it tells us: Our supporters have put their finger on something crucial: you can't fix policy problems without first fixing trust. And you can't fix trust while the system keeps producing governments most people didn't vote for, making promises they can't keep, to win seats they might lose on a few hundred votes.

Trust isn't rebuilt through better messaging. It's rebuilt by creating a system where votes count equally, representatives are genuinely accountable, and the link between what people vote for and the representation they get in Parliament is clear and visible.

11. Is the UK better or worse off than last year?

Over 60% say Britain is in a worse place, with very few saying it’s better.

What it tells us: A stat that strong cannot be partisan; that's a national mood. And it creates both a danger and an opportunity. The danger is that pessimism becomes fatalism - the sense that nothing can change, so why bother.

The opportunity is that people are clearly ready to consider alternatives. Our job is to make sure 'alternatives' means fixing the system, not just finding new people to blame within it.

12. Biggest democracy “red flags” of 2025

Respondents highlighted:
* Dark money and big donations in politics
* Attacks on democratic institutions
* Rising polarisation

What it tells us: Notice what's not on this list: individual politicians or parties. Our supporters aren't saying 'the problem is Starmer' or 'the problem is Farage' per se. They're identifying systemic issues - dark money, media concentration, polarisation - that persist regardless of who's in office.

That's significant. It means people are ready for a conversation about changing the rules, not just changing the players.

13. Do people feel they have a democratic voice?

Despite a majority claiming they were highly or moderately politically engaged, three-quarters feel they had little or no real voice in politics in 2025.

What it tells us: This is the democratic reform case in a single finding. Engaged citizens who feel voiceless aren't apathetic - they're alienated. They're doing their bit; the system isn't doing its.

When three-quarters of politically active people feel unheard, the problem isn't participation. It's that participation doesn't translate into influence. That's a design flaw in our system, and design flaws can be fixed.

14. How hopeful are people about 2026?

Sadly, a majority of respondents report low levels of hope for the year ahead. Optimism exists, but it is seemingly conditional.

What it tells us: The conditional nature of people's optimism is telling. They're not naive - they know things could get better, but they've learned not to expect it. That's what years of democratic disappointment produces: not despair exactly, but a protective scepticism.

The challenge for us in 2026 isn't just to give people reasons for hope, but to show them that this time the hope is grounded in realistic structural change, not just promises from a new set of faces.

15. What needs to change first for things to get better?

Top priorities were:
* Electoral reform
* Cracking down on dark money and bought influence

What it tells us: Electoral reform. Dealing with dark money. Social and traditional media accountability. These aren't fringe concerns - they're what our supporters identify as the prerequisites for everything else.

This matters because it shows people have moved beyond 'throw this lot out' thinking. They understand that new leaders operating under the same rotten rules will produce the same rotten outcomes. That's democratic reform's opening: we're not asking people to learn something new, we're asking them to act on what they already know.

16. Biggest takeaways from 2025 (in people’s own words)

In open responses, people repeatedly mentioned:
* Fear of the far right
* Disappointment with government performance
* Media and social-media distortion
* The need for proportional representation

What it tells us: When asked to sum things up in their own words, our supporters didn't reach for partisan talking points. They talked about fear of the far right, disappointment with government, media dysfunction, and the need for proportional representation.

In other words, they're already making the connections we spend our time trying to articulate. They don't need persuading that the system is broken. They need to see a credible path to fixing it - and to believe that path can actually be walked.

Across thousands of responses, one message comes through with striking clarity: Open Britain supporters aren't disillusioned because they've stopped caring - they're disillusioned because they care deeply and the system keeps failing them.

They don't just want better politicians; they want better rules. They don't want to be managed; they want to be heard. That's not a counsel of despair. It's a mandate for change.

Thank you for sharing your views so generously. In 2026, we'll keep fighting to build the democracy you've told us you want - and that Britain deserves.

For now, though, let me wish you all a happy and restful Christmas season. Work is important but quality time spent with family and friends is more so. Enjoy!

All the very best,

Mark Kieran

CEO, Open Britain

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