How many pieces and op-eds have you read decrying the Democrats’ “gerontocracy,” as if a new generation of Democrats would sweep out the cobwebs? We need more young leaders like Zohran Mamdani (34), Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (36), and Graham Platner (41), right?
Yes, we surely do. But how about Bernie Sanders (84) and Elizabeth Warren (76)? How about Nancy Pelosi, who has just announced her retirement and who was one of the most effective House Speakers ever, well into her seventies? What distinguishes Mamdani, AOC, and Platner is not just their youth but the fact that they are compelling progressive populists.
Conversely, how about House Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries, a spry 55, who is so in thrall to the party’s big donors that he took until the weekend before last Tuesday’s election to give Mamdani a tepid endorsement? For that matter, how about Chuck Schumer (74), who never managed to endorse Mamdani? Schumer, who was long known as the “senator from Wall Street,” was no different at age 54 than he is at 74.
Take two current cases of youth challenging age, each instructive in complementary ways: Seth Moulton vs. Ed Markey and Graham Platner vs. Janet Mills.
In Massachusetts, Markey, a great progressive senator, wants one more term. At 79, he is five years younger than our beloved Bernie, who did more to rally the enthusiasm of young people than any other Democrat, until AOC and Mamdani. But I digress.
Markey is being challenged by Rep. Moulton, who is 47. I’ve listened to both of them lately. Markey is at least as sharp as Moulton, and a lot more principled. If Moulton fails to defeat Markey in the Democratic primary, it will be because Moulton is widely perceived as opportunist.
Last year, Moulton, a former Marine, was looking to carve out some space in the cultural center, so he criticized trans athletes. In an interview with The New York Times shortly after Kamala Harris’s defeat, Moulton said, “Democrats spend way too much time trying not to offend anyone rather than being brutally honest about the challenges many Americans face. I have two little girls. I don’t want them getting run over on a playing field by a male or formerly male athlete, but as a Democrat, I’m supposed to be afraid to say that.”
If you think this was a spontaneous comment rather than a carefully considered jab at progressive Democrats, I have a bridge to sell you. The backlash was immediate. His campaign manager resigned. LGBT groups expressed outrage.
For a time, Moulton held his ground. He exchanged barbs with Massachusetts Gov. Maura Healey, who is a lesbian. In a follow-up interview a week later, Moulton said, “I’ve never had more people, parents and, by the way, a lot of L.G.B.T.Q. community members, reach out to me and say, ‘Thank you for saying this.’ Some of them are just speaking authentically as parents. Some of them believe the trans movement has gone too far. It is imperiling the progress we’ve made.”
In October, at the No Kings rally on Boston Common, where Markey had a trans flag draped across his shoulders, Moulton was booed. And once he decided to challenge Markey in a deep-blue state that supports trans rights, Moulton walked it all back. In a groveling apology last week, Moulton said, “I understand that some people were hurt by how I framed my comments in the past, and I take that seriously and have listened to their feedback … I’ve listened, I’ve learned, and I understand why those words hurt people. I take responsibility for that.” Moulton says he now supports the Transgender Bill of Rights.
In fact, the issue of trans athletes is a tricky one, with different sports bodies using different criteria. Had he stuck to his guns or fine-tuned his views, Moulton might have won some grudging support. But he lacked the courage of his shifting convictions. The trans community still doesn’t trust him. And others just see the opportunism.
There is also the case of Moulton’s expediently shifting views on Israel. One disgusted leader of Boston’s Jewish community told me, “Moulton was happy to take money from pro-Israel PACs until the issue of Israel became radioactive. Then he became a critic.”
In mid-October, just after he announced his challenge to Markey, Moulton put out a statement saying that he was returning all of his donations from AIPAC, the coordinating group for the Israel lobby. In 2023 and 2024, Moulton received a total of $42,850 from AIPAC, which was the top contributor to his campaign committee.
In a statement to The Harvard Crimson, Moulton said he has “serious concerns about steadfast support for the Netanyahu government … I have always believed the people of Israel deserve safety and peace. That being said, I have disagreed publicly with AIPAC on a number of issues over the years.”
Markey has never taken money from AIPAC and has been a forceful critic of Israel’s actions in Gaza and the West Bank. Last July, Markey voted for both of Bernie Sanders’s resolutions to block arms sales to Israel.
And just yesterday, trying to run to Markey’s left, Moulton challenged Markey to vote to oust Chuck Schumer. Moulton said in a post on X, “If @ChuckSchumer were an effective leader, he would have united his caucus to vote ‘No’ tonight and hold the line on healthcare. Maybe now @EdMarkey will finally join me in pledging not to vote for Schumer?”
If a principled progressive half Markey’s age were challenging the veteran senator, it would be a tougher call. Given that the challenger is Seth Moulton, age could well beat beauty.
THE MAINE SENATE DEMOCRATIC PRIMARY CONTEST for the privilege of running against faux-moderate incumbent Republican Susan Collins raises different questions. The most important thing that distinguishes Graham Platner from the other leading Democratic contender, Gov. Janet Mills, is not his age but his ideology and base of support.
Platner, who combines a working-class cultural appeal with progressive-populist positions on key issues, has broad support and momentum. His youth helps, but his politics help a lot more. Mills is running as a competent moderate liberal, the sort of Democratic centrist loved by Chuck Schumer, who recruited her to run and promised her financial support from his leadership PAC.
But Platner seems primed to blow Mills away, and then to defeat Collins. He has won key labor endorsements including the UAW, the nurses, the professional and technical engineers, and the Machinists, who represent workers at the Bath Iron Works.
One labor leader who knows Maine well told me, “The Maine Democratic Party has two bases: Portland hipsters and blue-collar workers. Platner has both.”
Mills, at 77, is only a year older than Elizabeth Warren. Platner is likely to beat her not because of the age issue but because his powerful themes resonate with voters and deprive Mills of her base.
In sum, the “youth challenging age” narrative is a part of the story, but it’s far from the most important part. The Democratic Party surely needs more younger leaders. What it really needs is more compelling progressives—like millennial Graham Platner and baby boomer Ed Markey.
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Robert Kuttner is co-founder and co-editor of The American Prospect, and professor at Brandeis University’s Heller School.
