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CATHERINE CONNOLLY WINS: AN HISTORIC VICTORY FOR THE LEFT IN IRELAND
 
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Picture of Paul Murphy Paul Murphy
October 25, 2025
Europe Solidaire Sans Frontières
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_ The big lesson is that if the left unites and seeks to mobilise
people, it can win. The dynamic of unity can create confidence and
enthuse others to get involved. The question of a Left government once
again comes increasingly centre stage. _

, Catherine Connolly

 

Catherine Connolly’s resounding victory in the Presidential election
in Ireland is a watershed moment. It is the first time that the left
has won a majority of votes in a national election. This was not a
narrow victory either; Catherine won the largest percentage and
largest total vote of any Presidential candidate in history.

The combined forces of the political and media establishment threw
everything they could at Connolly to try to stop the momentum behind
her campaign. “Smear the bejaysus out of her”, as Ivan Yates [1
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was the strategy deployed. Her trip to Syria, her employment of a
Republican convicted of a gun crime, her comments in opposition to US,
French and British imperialism, as well as her previous work as a
barrister, were all endlessly scrutinised and picked over.

The red thread running through the majority of the smears was the fact
that she is out of touch with the political and media establishment in
her defence of neutrality and opposition to aligning more and more
openly with NATO. While Fine Gael’s Heather Humphreys pointedly
refused to criticise what she termed “our allies” and their arming
of genocide, Catherine Connolly openly criticised US funding of
Israeli war crimes and the drive for rearmament in Europe, to the
horror of most political commentators.

Despite this, her campaign, backed by all the ‘left’ parties and a
movement from below, continued to gain support in successive polls and
handily beat the establishment candidate. There will be attempts to
minimise the extent of the victory by pointing to the calamities that
struck the establishment parties – from the dropping out of the
preferred Fine Gael candidate, Mairead McGuinness, due to illness, and
the dramatic withdrawal of Fianna Fáil’s candidate mid-contest, to
the unconvincing media performances of Heather Humphreys. But these
calamities were mostly an expression of the declining social bases of
Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael.

The fact that Fianna Fáil, the historically largest party in the
state, could not find a credible candidate within its own ranks and
the leadership felt compelled to go with a celebrity candidate in
order to stop the corrupt former Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, from being
nominated, is itself instructive. That Jim Gavin was undone by a
scandal of being a landlord who robbed money from a tenant was poetic
justice for Fianna Fáil.

Similarly, the fact that Heather Humphreys proved to be such a poor
candidate exemplifies f how deeply out of touch Fine Gael is with the
majority of people. They were convinced that Humphreys would prove a
popular figure with a down-to-earth manner. In practice, she appeared
uncomfortable with any questioning that went beyond soundbites.
Despite her previous position as a Minister, she had never been faced
with much challenging questioning. Might Mairead McGuinness have been
a better candidate for FG? She would have been a more capable debater,
undoubtedly. But in that case, the debate would have focused more on
the direction of the European Union, and her close relationship with
Israel-supporting European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen,
the majority are still with Connolly.

Why did she win?

We should not forget that mainstream journalists largely missed the
boat. They were busy telling us over and over how this presidential
election was “dull” and “uninspiring”, while a movement was
rapidly developing behind Connolly. For those who think real politics
only takes place within the four walls of Leinster House, this was a
boring campaign. But out in the real world, Catherine was motivating
1,500 young people to attend a fundraising gig at Vicar St., which was
sold out in less than an hour, and rallies and meetings across the
country were packed out on every occasion.

Much ink will now be spilt to avoid the most basic and simple
conclusion: she won because the majority of people agree with her
values, the values of the left, rather than those of Fianna Fáil and
Fine Gael. A big majority support neutrality, support the right to
housing, and aspire towards a more equal and just society. They’re
horrified by the genocide in Gaza and want a president who is
unambiguous about Palestinian freedom. Connolly’s message of a
movement working to build what she termed ‘a new Republic’
resonated deeply.

Young people were the energy and vitality of the campaign. In the
final Red C poll, she polled 57% amongst 18-34 year olds compared to
Humphreys’ 17%. Amongst 35-54 year olds, she had 49%, and for over
55s, she was at 43%. The Irish Times interviewed 35 first-time voters,
29 were voting for Connolly, five were spoiling their vote, with only
one voting for Humphreys! She also polled higher amongst women than
men, and that was evident on the ground. Many in the campaign remarked
on the similarities to the Repeal campaign for abortion rights –
with young women as a driving force. Young people rejected the
conservative parties and voted for someone who offered hope and an
alternative.

The smear campaign was utterly ineffective and ultimately
counterproductive for FG for a number of reasons. One is that Connolly
never wavered in the face of the attacks. She didn’t give an inch
and made no apologies for her criticisms of European rearmament, nor
for hiring a convict. The notion that her outspokenness would work
against her made no sense considering our current, much-beloved
President, Michael D. Higgins, is also a critic of US imperialism and
government policy. The nature of the Presidency itself also created a
terrain more favourable for the left. The President’s lack of real
power means people were free to vote for the progressive values they
aspire to, without the establishment being able to credibly threaten
dire economic implications.

Catherine’s personal qualities also came to the fore in the
campaign. ‘Authentic’ was the word that many ordinary people used
to describe her. All the videos of her playing with kids and adults
alike, from the keepie uppies and dribbling a basketball, to clips of
her dancing a ceili and playing the piano, revealed a human side to
her that people found immensely appealing.

Another reason Catherine won by such a large margin is that a movement
was energised around her. There is no precedent in recent history for
a Presidential campaign to become a movement in this way. While
Michael D. Higgins has proven to be an effective President, his 2018
campaign was actually supported by Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, while
he won in 2011 as a result of the collapse of support for Sean
Gallagher after the final debate. The closest is the victory of Mary
Robinson in 1990, backed by a coalition of Labour, the Workers Party
and the Greens.

This was an insurgent, oppositional campaign organised by capable
activists from the independent and party left. Over 15,000 people
volunteered – the vast majority of whom were not members of any
political party. Over half of those donated or became active in the
campaign. This energy, combined with smart digital organising and
social media messaging, meant that the Connolly campaign was far more
effective than the Fine Gael campaign at meeting and discussing with
voters. In every constituency, there was a significant amount of
organised canvassing, on a level for a Presidential election that
certainly hasn’t been seen in decades.

Spoil the vote?

With the ultra-conservative Catholic right narrowly failing to get
sufficient nominations from TDs or Senators to get on the ballot
paper, the far-right ran an active ‘Spoil The Vote’ campaign. This
is again a first for Irish politics.

The over 12% they scored in spoils is another warning – the
far-right have their claws and influence in working class communities.
Yet, experience of canvassing more hard-pressed working class areas
proves that this is not a lost battle, but one to be engaged with.
Most of those considering spoiling their ballot were open to being
convinced that the best protest was to defeat the political
establishment. Deep community organising and trying to mobilise people
in action on issues like the cost of living crisis will be essential
in order not to cede these communities to the far-right.

Although the far-right wasn’t directly on the ballot, their rise and
the increase in racist attacks and reactionary sentiment were
undoubtedly a factor in the campaign. Many rightly saw supporting
Connolly as a way of opposing the rightward political turn, which Fine
Gael and Fianna Fáil have both leaned into. Her victory is part of a
counter-current to the rise of the far-right.

Connolly also stood out as a long-time campaigner for investment in
the Gaeltacht and support for the Irish language. That she learned to
speak fluent Irish well into her 40s underscored her commitment to the
language and Gaeltacht communities. So, we should see her campaign as
part of a new revival of the Irish language, seen in the popularity of
Kneecap and other artists. This is part of forming a progressive
identity of what it is to be Irish today, relating to our
anti-colonial history, and in opposition to the narrow white
nationalism of the far-right, who misuse the tricolour.

SOCIALIST LEFT – A KEY BACKBONE OF THE CAMPAIGN

The socialist left, in particular People Before Profit and independent
left activists, were a crucial part of the Connolly campaign. Many of
the key activists playing central roles nationally were veterans of
previous successful left-led campaigns.

The decision of People Before Profit to throw itself into this
campaign, despite the limitations of the position of Presidency, was
vindicated by the dynamism of the campaign, the result and the
opportunities that open up now. While the level of activism on the
ground was less than what might have been possible with a longer
campaign, it nonetheless represents a crucial victory after a
challenging general election and opens new opportunities.

Independent activists who may have been previously sceptical about PBP
have noted the constructive and non-sectarian approach taken by PBP.
They should consider joining PBP to work together to build it into a
mass pluralist and ecosocialist party.

Those sections of the socialist left who gave grudging endorsements
for Catherine while criticising PBP’s engagement in the campaign
will hopefully reflect on what happened and what they stood aside
from. A left-right polarisation took place, and the left won.
Thousands of new activists were mobilised for the first time and
gained organising experience. Momentum that had slipped to the right
has been regained by the left.

 
[[link removed]]Other
parties in the Connolly camp

The Connolly campaign also had a dynamic within the other parties that
supported her. The Social Democrats were with PBP from the beginning
in supporting Catherine Connolly. They helped to create a momentum
amongst the left, which effectively left Labour and the Greens with a
choice between supporting Connolly or not having any candidate. Social
Democrat party members enthusiastically engaged at a local and
national level.

Sinn Féin came on board the campaign relatively late, after
considering running its own candidate. They qualitatively added to the
campaign at a central and local level, working constructively, while
also using it as an opportunity to re-popularise Mary Lou McDonald as
a future alternative Taoiseach. This was the first serious attempt to
implement the strategy of a “progressive left republican bloc which
respects the independence and autonomy of cooperating political
parties”, first floated after the last general election by the Sinn
Féin national chairperson, Declan Kearney.

By any standard, it has been a success, not just with the victory of
Catherine Connolly, but with a 5% jump in the polls for Sinn Féin.
Working with others has proven effective at boosting support for SF.
For Sinn Féin members and the leadership, the key question is whether
they are now willing to rule out coalition with Fianna Fáil and Fine
Gael and put all their energy into a campaign for a left government.

For the Labour Party and the Greens, Connolly’s campaign was
polarising. It exposed and undermined their most right-wing sections.
Former Labour leader Alan Kelly was wheeled out almost weekly by the
media to declare his opposition to Catherine Connolly and his support
for Fine Gael. The media reported wider disquiet amongst the
parliamentary party, although it did not publicly materialise. With
Connolly having won so decisively, Kelly’s position is now weakened.

The same happened in the Green Party, with former TD Brian Leddin,
resigning from the party in opposition to supporting Catherine
Connolly, mostly it seems because of her opposition to war and
imperialism. A smattering of others followed him out the door.

The diminishing of opposition to left co-operation in Labour and the
Greens should make it easier for their leaderships to pursue this
further if they wish. A major obstacle there, though, is that up until
now, the progressive alliance proposed by both Labour and the Greens
(overwhelmingly directed at the Social Democrats) has been to maximise
the negotiating leverage of these parties in a future coalition with
either Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael. That is not what those involved in
the Connolly campaign are looking for – they rightly want to clear
FF and FG out.

WHAT NEXT?

For the thousands of people who actively engaged in the Catherine
Connolly campaign and for many more who passively supported it, the
big question is: what next? Nobody believes that winning the
Presidency is enough to change the country, given the very limited
powers associated with it. Catherine Connolly will represent our
values in the Presidency well and will prove to be a thorn in the side
of the political establishment. Undoubtedly, the columns from
commentators tut-tutting about the President overstepping the limits
of the role, which became so common under Michael D. Higgins, will
continue.

But people understand that to effect the change we need, we need to
win much more than the Presidency. The big lesson is that if the left
unites and seeks to mobilise people, it can win. The dynamic of unity
can create confidence and enthuse others to get involved. The question
of a Left government once again comes increasingly centre stage.

However, any attempt to develop an initiative which focuses only on
the next general election is doomed to failure by allowing the energy
and activism to dissipate. Playing the role of responsible government
in waiting between 2020 and 2024 proved calamitous for Sinn Féin,

People who are suffering under the impact of repeated hikes in energy
and grocery prices cannot wait. Those who are facing eviction or
massive rent hikes under the government’s new plans cannot wait.
Those who want meaningful action for Palestine and defence of our
neutrality cannot wait. Joint initiatives must be organised, together
with unions and social movements – to defend the Triple Lock; to
demand the full implementation of the Occupied Territories Bill before
Christmas; to end the cost of living crisis through price controls and
an end to profiteering; and to implement an eviction ban alongside
meaningful rent controls and public house building.

However, defensive struggles alone are insufficient. We need to raise
people’s sights for the possibility of a Left government for the
first time in the history of the state. People Before Profit is
proposing to other parties and individuals the organisation of a major
conference of the Left in the New Year to discuss how left
co-operation can be deepened with a view to presenting a clear choice
in the next general election: Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, and those
who would prop them up, versus a Left government.

All of this poses complicated questions to the socialist left. We
understand that the capitalist system, where profit dominates, simply
cannot deliver what people demand and need – the right to a home and
a good life, a world without war and oppression, the right to a
sustainable and liveable future for our children. We therefore will
only enter a government that commits to a people-power strategy of
mobilising from below to overcome the opposition of the powerful
capitalist class and deliver ecosocialist change. That is far from the
programme of the other major parties supporting Connolly.

Nonetheless, we actively want the rule of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael
to end. We want a left government, even on a programme far weaker than
the ecosocialist one we would advocate. We want this government and
the approach of reforming capitalism to be tested before the masses.
We are therefore open to participating in this dynamic towards a left
government, including committing to vote to allow this government to
be formed, despite the very significant limitations of the likely
programme. The key condition for us is that we retain our right to
independence, to put forward our own ecosocialist position, and
continue strengthening our connections with communities to mobilise
the power of people from below.

In 1843, Karl Marx provided useful guidance for socialists approaching
complicated situations:

”we do not confront the world in a doctrinaire way with a new
principle: Here is the truth, kneel down before it! We develop new
principles for the world out of the world’s own principles. We do
not say to the world: Cease your struggles, they are foolish; we will
give you the true slogan of struggle. We merely show the world what it
is really fighting for, and consciousness is something that it has to
acquire, even if it does not want to.”

Significant numbers of people are now anxious to take the next steps
after the Connolly campaign to work towards getting rid of Fianna
Fáil and Fine Gael and electing a left government. We should be right
there, alongside them, organising and taking steps together, while
using it as an opportunity to win people to the argument put forward
by James Connolly in 1897:

“If you remove the English Army tomorrow and hoist the green flag
over Dublin Castle, unless you set about the organization of the
Socialist Republic your efforts will be in vain.”

To win a truly new Republic, it will not be enough to replace the
government or even to write a new Constitution. A socialist Republic
with working people and the oppressed in power is needed.

_Europe Solidaire Sans Frontières (ESSF) is an association for
international solidarity. Its website informs on peoples struggles as
well as on in-depth debates. It wishes to be a tool for all those
fighting for a world of solidarity._

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