[[link removed]]

SEVEN MILLION TURN OUT FOR “NO KINGS” PROTESTS NATIONWIDE. NEXT
UP, MASSIVE DISRUPTIONS BACKED BY UNIONS?  
[[link removed]]


 

Luis Feliz Leon
October 20, 2025
In These Times
[[link removed]]


*
[[link removed]]
*
[[link removed]]
*
*
[[link removed]]

_ People from across the country marched. Now what? _

Thousands of protesters attended the "No Kings" march at Grant Park
in Chicago on October 18. , Joshua Lott/The Washington Post via Getty
Images

 

We are on an inexorable trajectory of escalation. As President Donald
Trump’s authoritarian attacks are increasing, working people are
defying his abuses of power, refusing to live under the yoke of
a wannabe strongman who seeks to bend society to the dictatorship of
the privately owned Trump Organization [[link removed]].
It’s not simply that Trump has the typical bossman’s bullying
streak. He’s stranded the country somewhere between the bedlam of
his whims and the corruption of a modern-day Gomorrah, down-zoned to
the dregs of a Florida swamp. The people have had enough from the
madman don in Mar-a-Lago.

Millions of people took to the streets nationwide October 18 as part
of a pro-democracy movement rising up in peaceful resistance against
President Trump’s authoritarian rule. Under the banner of ​“No
Kings [[link removed]],” more than 2,700 demonstrations
were held across every state, from big cities like Chicago (population
[[link removed]] 2.7 million) to
small towns like Bryson City, N.C. (population 1,500).

In all, organizers estimate nearly 7 million people participated. The
demonstrations rank among the largest single-day protests in U.S.
history, surpassing the turnout of more than 5 million for those held
June 14
[[link removed]],
and the January 2017 Women’s Marches, whose crowd totals were
estimated at 3.3 to 5.2 million.

New from June
[[link removed]],
when union banners and delegations were largely absent (except for
highly motivated rank-and-file members donning their union-branded
shirts and a few outlier union locals), was the effort to join forces
with organized labor.

That’s why the participation of unions in this weekend’s rallies
isn’t just yet another Saturday march
[[link removed]]
that leads nowhere. It represents the building of a united front
[[link removed]]
with durable and democratic institutional networks, capable of
potentially rejoining the world of politics and work — a
fusionism that creates workplace leaders to grind the gears of the
boss’s machine to a halt.

But despite the overtures to work in coalition, coordination between
unions and liberal groups still proved challenging — even as the
coordinated economic disruption that unions are best equipped to
organize becomes increasingly necessary against an
authoritarian threat.

NO KINGS DAY, OCTOBER 18

The main organizers of October’s weekend demonstration were
progressive groups like Indivisible [[link removed]], MoveOn
[[link removed]] and the 50501 movement
[[link removed]], alongside more than 200 other national
organizations and thousands of local groups.

“Authoritarians want us to believe resistance is futile, but every
person who turned out today proved the opposite,” said Ezra Levin
and Leah Greenberg, co-founders of Indivisible, in a statement.
​“This movement isn’t about a single protest; it’s about
a growing chorus of Americans who refuse to be ruled.”

In New York City, people returned to the streets wearing tricornered
hats, colonial wigs, and makeup, holding up handmade signs decrying
the country’s slide into, by turns, fascism, tyranny, dictatorship,
autocracy, and monarchy. The same irreverent air of the carnivalesque
was in full display across the country.

A protester wears an inflatable frog costume during "No Kings" march
in Manhattan, New York City, on October 18. Photo by Neil
Constantine/NurPhoto via Getty Images

A protester dressed as the Statue of Liberty attends the "No Kings"
march in Houston on October 18. Raquel Natalicchio/Houston Chronicle
via Getty Images

Adults dressed up in inflatable costumes was another common sight,
a whimsical rebuke of the Trump regime’s efforts to smear
protestors as domestic terrorists. In Alabama, cops
[[link removed]]arrested
[[link removed]]
a 53-year-old woman for ​“lewd conduct” because she dressed as
an inflatable penis and held a sign that read ​“No Dick-tator.”
The inflatables have emerged as a symbol of resistance through
mockery since, at a protest against Immigration and Customs
Enforcement
[[link removed]]
[[link removed]](
[[link removed]]ICE)
[[link removed]]
in Portland, Ore., on October 2, federal agents pepper-sprayed
a protester clad in an inflatable frog costume directly through his
air vent.

“I’ve definitely had spicier tamales,” the frog-costumed
protester said afterward.

Less prominent, compared with the June protests, were calls to take on
the billionaire power grab. Palestine solidarity, except for a number
of banners in the labor march, was largely absent, as well as remarks
about a potential U.S. military invasion of Venezuela.

But the protest’s main themes were also more diverse than the June
mobilization — especially the labor march — involving
a defense of democracy, immigrants, and health care. The tenor of the
messages were mainly denunciations of Trump sending masked federal
agents into America’s cities, the Republican shutdown of the
country’s government, and the health-care cuts to public programs
like Medicaid.

ENTER LABOR

The rally organizers also partnered with the Service Employees
International Union (SEIU), National Nurses United and the American
Federation of Teachers, as well as labor coalitions May Day Strong
[[link removed]] and Labor for Democracy
[[link removed]], to drive turnout of union
workers and their communities. In New York, a coalition of the
city’s biggest unions turned out thousands, including the
Communications Workers of America, 1199SEIU, 32BJ SEIU, the United
Federation of Teachers and the Professional Staff Congress. 

Vishally Persaud is a certified nursing assistant at Staten
Island’s Richmond University Medical Center and a member of
1199SEIU. She came to the No Kings labor march after a 16-hour shift
in the intensive care unit. ​“We’re here to support our
health-care workers,” Persaud said. ​“We want to keep fighting
so that we don’t get hospitals shut down, nursing homes shut down
and Medicaid cut.” She also works in home care and worries whether
the health-care cuts will prevent her from working the 130 hours
a month necessary to maintain Medicaid benefits. 

Since the COVID pandemic, the understaffing crisis has only worsened
the working conditions of health-care workers. ​“We can’t take
it anymore,” Persaud said. ​“We’re all very tired.”

Jamie Partridge, a retired member of the National Association of
Letter Carriers Local 82, said the labor feeder march in Portland
brought about 1,000 people, joining about 40,000 No Kings protesters.
SEIU served as the main organizer of the labor contingent and featured
speakers from the Oregon AFL-CIO and the Federal Unionists Network,
the scrappy group leading the response to the Trump administration’s
attacks on federal workplaces.

Chicago protesters gathered for the "No Kings" march in Chicago on
October 18. Steel Brooks

“While exciting to see unions step up, the number of union signs and
banners were few,” said Partridge. Among the unions and labor groups
present in Portland were Oregon AFL-CIO, SEIU, Oregon Nurses
Association, AFSCME 88, and the Oregon Federation of Nurses and Health
Professionals, which just ended a 5-day strike against Kaiser.

Chicago’s protests were massive, drawing 100,000 people. Isaac
Silver, a self-employed repair person who also runs an archive of
union buttons [[link removed]], said the march
filled 6 lanes of traffic for many blocks. (Disclaimer: Silver has
been hired by _In These Times_ for a variety of projects). ​“The
march looked much more like a cross-section of the city than the
Hands Off rally in April, although it would be great to see a more
organized presence by unions,” Silver said via text message.
​“Most signs were homemade, and like the chants, foregrounded
defense of immigrants, trans people, and Palestinians alongside the
official messaging opposing the billionaires’ attacks
on democracy.”

In New York City, where more than 100,000 marched across all five
boroughs, a dozen unions organized a feeder march up Sixth Avenue
that ended in Union Square in Manhattan. But the main march, starting
from 47th Street down Seventh Avenue, never linked up with the union
contingent. Workers milled about waiting until the crowd thinned, as
many just went home with no clear next steps.

I bolted to Seventh Avenue, where I saw a huge yellow banner that
read, ​“Our March is Over: Keep Resisting.
NoK​ingsNYC​.com.”

“That’s it?” an incredulous man said to the No Kings
demonstration marshal at the intersection of 14th Street and Seventh
Avenue. ​“Aren’t there going to be any speakers?” Through
a blowhorn, the marshal repeated: ​“The march is over. Go
to brunch!”

BUILDING POWER

The ​“We marched, now what?” attitude is emblematic of the
limitations of loosely organized
[[link removed]]
protests without clear next steps for demonstrators to plug into more
organizing opportunities. No Kings has knitted together a broad
coalition against authoritarianism by harkening back to the
country’s revolutionary founding in resistance to the rule of
autocratic kings.

But how can it build the organizing infrastructure necessary to stay
in touch with these millions of people, involve them enough for them
to develop as leaders in their own right, and plug them into efforts
that bolster their confidence and understanding of building power?

Fortunately, the liberal groups making up the No Kings coalition
already have key partners who can help shift away from the mobilizing
model into an organizing approach geared toward
disruptive escalations.

Those partners, of course, are organized labor.

Rebecca Givan, associate professor of labor studies and president of
the Rutgers chapter of the American Association of University
Professors and American Federation of Teachers (AAUP-AFT), points to
the increased participation of unions in this round of No Kings
protests as part of the maturation of the resistance to Trump. The
AAUP-AFT marched with other union contingents in New York City.

“Local unions are turning out their members, and national unions are
signing on as supporters,” Givan says. ​“If No Kings marches are
to turn into meaningful change, they will need organizations with
roots in neighborhoods and workplaces. Organized labor has a key role
to play in translating single-day actions into a sustained movement
for change.”

Faye Guenther, president of United Food Commercial Workers Local 3000,
notes how, during Trump’s first term, the country saw one of the
largest marches in history around women’s rights, then the largest
racial-justice marches after the murder of George Floyd. She says
it’s not too difficult to feel as though every advance has been
beaten back, as women have fewer rights today and federal agents are
snatching people off the streets with greater impunity than ever.
Federal budgets for repression have increased, while funding is being
slashed for health-care and food assistance. Protests are important,
of course, but, Guenther wonders, how do we make them work?

“The No Kings protests help work this country’s mass-action
muscle, and we’re going to need mass action to disrupt business as
usual,” Guenther goes on. ​“But without strong, permanent
infrastructure in place to maintain and build on our victory over this
authoritarian regime, then we’ll just be back in the streets next
year blowing off steam. That’s why the labor movement is central to
this moment — we know how to build durable, democratic
power structures.”

As president of the Baltimore Teachers Union, Diamonté Brown thinks
a lot about how to build — from the bottom up, rather than from
the top down — democratic structures in which members are in
command of their union. She bristles at the assumption that unions are
already democratic; they need to be transformed to truly become so.
She also doesn’t embrace the whole spiel of how what’s needed is
a return to normalcy, but an advance for a broader transformation of
longstanding systemic issues.

“What labor can do is take it a step further and start talking
about, what are the systemic structures, processes, that are creating
these situations, over and over again?” Brown says. ​“Whoever
we’re fighting, whoever our target may be at any given time, it
seems like they’re always on offense, and we’re always
on defense.

The No Kings Day mobilization is also risk-averse, being part and
parcel of a reactive-activism pattern that prizes the speed of
mobilization over everything else. ​“We’re not willing to put
everything on hold to make sure all of our members turn out for No
Kings Day, because that’s just not what’s been bubbling up in our
membership,” Brown adds. ​“What’s been bubbling up in our
membership is that people feel like there’s a retaliatory culture
within our school system. We have a 45% chronic absenteeism rate and
no school-bus fleet for our students.”

“Unfortunately, no matter who the president is, no matter what type
of government we’ve had in my 43 years of living, none of those
things have changed where I live. The things that we’re seeing now
happen to Black people so much that I think sometimes I’ve
normalized tragedy. I’ve normalized oppression. I’ve normalized
violence just because I’m Black. So seeing it happen on a bigger
scale, it’s something I’m reckoning with.”

“Yes, we want to participate in protests, and we want to show our
strength and our unity and our solidarity by making sure we are
participants in the No Kings rally, but we just want to highlight that
there is so much more that needs to be done, and we have to start
connecting the dots. Does this action lead us to the outcome we want?
Have we even determined what outcome we want? I haven’t
heard that.”

STRIKING QUESTIONS

Trump isn’t an anomaly in U.S. history. He’s like a piece of shit
traveling down sewer pipes and becoming denser as he’s agglomerated
sediments of other excrement. That makes all the special-pleading
about democracy sound like a load of crap. ​“All I’ve heard was
we’re fighting for democracy,” says Brown. ​“We don’t want
an authoritarian government. But what do we want? What is it that we
want that is important?”

To answer — and to win back members drifting away in search of
other political homes, members who often don’t feel their unions are
the means to transform their workplace and society — the labor
movement needs to make union democracy the cornerstone of what it
means to be a trade unionist.

Brown gives the example of bringing questions back to her members from
Randi Weingarten, president of the American Federation of Teachers,
and how ​“it never turns out to be what Randi wants when we ask
our membership, when we do it from the bottom up, and that’s when
we’re always met with that tension — because we asked our
members. And I think that should be scaled across all locals, state
feds, and even the national and international unions.”

“And that means we have to go slow. You can go fast alone, but you
can go further together, and we’re not moving together.”

In other words, if unions are to organize massive disruptive actions
with majority participation from their members and the broader
community, then they need to find a way to bring members along with
them and loosen the reins for them to lead. 

That’s what makes unions more than one more letterhead-coalition
partner in a demonstration.

“Labor is the essential part of society,” says Dominic Renda,
a Verizon call center worker with CWA Local 1101. ​“So without
labor, nothing moves, and we could really put our foot down. We could
stop the Trump administration’s worst excesses. If a protest of
this size doesn’t succeed, you know, maybe something bigger will:
strike actions.”

Unions offer a path to disruptive escalations that continue to grow
the movement while remaining nonviolent and oriented to the broad
mainstream coalition offering it legitimacy. Jessica Tang, president
of the American Federation of Teachers Massachusetts, wants to scale
up the resistance by using official union channels to build the
institutional infrastructure. She says the union is coordinating
efforts across the state, including resource fairs and school safety
watches, to sustain activism and resistance.

“I do think that there is a purpose for public actions that bring
visibility to an issue, and do let others, who may be more quiet in
their criticism at home or thinking that they’re alone, realize that
they’re not, actually — and that the majority of people are
against the current policies that are harming immigrants, that are
hurting the economy, that are stripping away due process rights, rule
of law and eroding democracy,” Tang says.

Tang cites the research of political scientists Erica Chenoweth and
Maria Stephan, who argue
[[link removed]]
that just 3.5% of a population taking to the streets in peaceful
resistance is enough to block an authoritarian takeover. In the United
States, that would mean about 12 million people. The 3.5% number
isn’t necessarily an automatic prediction, but it reflects the kind
of sustained, nonviolent mass mobilization that has worked in
the past.

Tang also notes how the AFT passed a resolution to support this
weekend’s large-scale protests, including supporting efforts to do
more political education within unions and engage members in
nonviolent actions. She mentions the possibility of rolling strikes.

The historian Nelson Lichtenstein offers the possibility of
teachers’ unions saying that schools have to be shut down because
it’s unsafe to hold classes with armed federal agents roaming the
streets. ​“Imagine if the Chicago Teachers Unions said it’s too
dangerous to have the kids in school,” Lichtenstein says.
​“They’re been picked up by ICE, so we’re urging all our
teachers and students to stay away for the rest of the week.” Short
of that action, No Kings organizers can also call the next mass
demonstrations for a workday when there will be more potential
for disruption.

In Chicago’s lakefront Grant Park, Mayor Brandon Johnson ended his
No Kings Day remarks with a call for a national general strike.
​“If my ancestors, as slaves, can lead the greatest general strike
in the history of this country, taking it to the ultra-rich and big
corporations, we can do it too!” Johnson said
[[link removed]].
Ten days earlier, Trump demanded he be jailed
[[link removed]]
in a post on Truth Social
[[link removed]]. In his reference to
a general strike, Johnson was citing an argument by W.E.B. Du
Bois — advanced in his book, _Black Reconstruction in America
1860-1880_—which made the case that enslaved workers had freed
themselves in a great general strike that won the Civil War.

“General strikes aren’t planned three years in advance,”
Lichtenstein says. They require a galvanizing occasion, similar to
the example he offered about the dangerous environment created by the
federal agents in Chicago. But unions aren’t there yet.

“The general strike discussion, while much needed in these
authoritarian times, was being put forward not by the unions but by
the youth climate movement, Sunrise, with the slogan, ​‘Visualize
a general strike,’” said retired letter carrier Jamie Partidge.
​“Despite the most brutal assault on unions in my fifty years in
this movement, we have yet to rise to the challenge.”

But the term ​“general strike” is on more lips than usual.
Indivisible’s Ezra Levin told
[[link removed]]
_Bloomberg _that, in the group’s weekly planning calls, participants
often ask about organizing a general strike, perhaps a growing
recognition that economic leverage is necessary. ​“It is possible
to execute on that, but it requires a much greater level of planning
and infrastructure” compared with weekend rallies, he said. But
​“I suspect it is where we are going.”

IN SOLIDARITY

In his second term, Trump’s authoritarian gyre
[[link removed]] is
spinning faster and wider. But demonstrators and organizers say, to
defeat the authoritarian consolidation of power in Trump’s hands and
those of a cabal of tech oligarchs
[[link removed]], they are building
a stronger and more resilient fightback against the escalating
attacks on working people, deepening their networks and bolstering
their organizations.

Unions are key not only to standing up to Trump, but to offering an
alternative economic and social agenda to address what attracts people
to Trump’s brand of authoritarian power.

In response to criticisms about a narrowly defensive approach that
emphasizes resisting authoritarianism and defending democracy, Tang
says: ​“This is actually about fighting for working people and
a working people’s agenda over a billionaire’s agenda, which is
what we have now, and making the connections between how this is
related to making lives better for working people.”

The largest health-care workers’ union in New York and the country,
1199SEIU — representing nearly 450,000 workers — decried
the slashing of health-care funding to give tax handouts to
billionaires while also pouring money into ICE raids. A University of
Pennsylvania study released in June found
[[link removed]]
that health-care cuts could cause the deaths of 51,000 Americans
annually.

Trump isn’t just instituting the largest upward redistribution of
wealth in American history for the benefit of his billionaire pals;
he’s doubling down on the economic and political repression of the
working class by cutting food assistance and health insurance for
working people; by eroding collective-bargaining rights for millions;
by sending armed federal agents with military-style weaponry to
racially profile and abduct
[[link removed]]
workers and children from their homes, workplaces, parks, and schools;
and by detaining more than 170 who are U.S. citizens
[[link removed]],
but of the wrong color.

At the same time, Trump is developing a refugee policy
[[link removed]]
that favors Europeans; murdering Venezuelan civilians in the Caribbean
Sea by bombing alleged drug-smuggling boats; starving
[[link removed]]
millions through cuts to humanitarian aid; and bailing out
Argentina’s far-right libertarian president with $40 billion
[[link removed]]
(almost the same amount
[[link removed]]he’s
cut from food aid for the entire world). He’s not just tossing the
United States, but the whole planet, into a vortex of repression and
misery.

Trump isn’t unprecedented in the annals of American history, which
is drenched in the blood and sweat of enslaved people, indigenous
slaughter, and ethnic cleansing — but he does mark something
uniquely malignant in the modern era.

MOVING CAPITAL

How best to make sense of Trump’s authoritarian escalation?

Roman emperor Caesar’s rampage gave us the word Rubicon to describe
a point of no return. Trump’s autocratic regime hasn’t given us
any neologism yet, but his escalating authoritarianism has called back
into popular usage old German words like blitzkrieg, meaning lighting
war, to describe his administration’s dizzying assaults on
immigrants, LGBTQ people, women (especially Black women
[[link removed]]),
democratic norms, labor rights, and public programs.

Among the panoply of signs people held aloft at nationwide protests,
a set of words stood out from the bunch: king, tyrant, fascist.

These words indicate a broad but inchoate understanding of
a dictatorial political regime tightening its hold on society.
There’s also an economic dynamic at play, upending old shibboleths
about the capitalist management of the economy and replacing them with
an older model of brute political force that appears to subordinate
the economic structures of capitalism to the whims of a strongman.
Call it authoritarianism, corporatism, or fascism, but we are facing
a calamitous onslaught of reaction that is reshaping the world.

At root, it’s about capitalism.

Which is how the involvement of labor unions in these broad liberal
coalitions becomes pivotal.

In a review of Melinda Cooper’s book _Counterrevolution:
Extravagance and Austerity in Public Finance,_ historian Kim
Phillips-Fein wrote
[[link removed]]
in _The Nation_, ​“Trump’s politics and his appeal are not only
inspired by far-right ideologies, culture-war passions, age-old
xenophobic prejudices, and a long-standing Republican animus toward
the welfare state. They emerge out of a capitalist order that has
ceased to be constrained by any of the institutional, intellectual, or
professional limits that defined corporate capitalism in an earlier
era.”

If one thing could have been even more prominent at the No Kings
protests, it was a recognition of how hollowed out democracy becomes
when billionaires rule under capitalism. Forget Trump’s boorish
personality antics and hedonistic relishing in spectacles of cruelty;
take note of corporate ownership structures — namely, privately
owned firms.

As Phillips-Fein continued:
[[link removed]]
​“E-mails demanding that workers justify their jobs or face
layoffs; scolding and humiliation of underlings who dare to disagree;
drastic cuts to programs just because the boss doesn’t like them;
arbitrarily lobbing tariffs anywhere he pleases; insisting on payback
for those perceived as enemies — these signature Trumpian
actions all echo the practices of business owners in their private
fiefdoms, who do not have to answer to shareholders or, for that
matter, anybody else.”

But if they don’t answer to moral suasion, they do answer to massive
and coordinated disruptive actions to stop business as usual.

​“Successful and dynamic social movements create a gravitational
field that pulls into its orbit a strata of the body politic that
would be hostile or disinterested,” according to Lichtenstein.
​“During the red-state revolt seven years ago, school
superintendents, local politicians, parents and students were all
mobilized in support of that social movement.”

EARTHQUAKE MOMENTS

Might we be seeing a similar shift in the structure of old social
hierarchies? It’s not simply that material conditions have been
intolerable for the working class; there has to be a social
earthquake that makes the existing order intolerable for both the
working class and the dominant classes who jockey to re-establish
authority and stabilize the quaking social edifice. There’s no
guarantee that, in these tectonic shifts, workers will come out on
top, but open conflict for a new legitimacy can potentially reorder
the battle lines, even if temporarily. That’s the opening we must
seize without any illusions that the outcome is
already predetermined.

Cooptation occurs in any mass movement. But any genuine mass movement
still needs more than the usual suspects who agree on everything. To
defeat a greater threat, it sometimes even takes a cross-class
dynamic to create the conditions for a social revolt.

A protester holds an anti-ICE sign during a "No Kings Day" protest in
Miami on June 14. Photo by Jesus Olarte/Anadolu via Getty Images

A protester wears an inflatable animal costume during a "No Kings"
protest on October 18 in Memphis, Tennessee. Photo by Jan
Sonnenmair/Getty Images

As Trump’s attacks on labor rights and unions have intensified and
threats to the U.S. constitutional order increase — including
pressing misdemeanor
[[link removed]]charges
against SEIU leader David Huerta
[[link removed]]
for observing an immigration raid, unleashing the Justice Department
to indict
[[link removed]]
political enemies, and commuting
[[link removed]]prison
sentences for allies — the burgeoning pro-democracy movement
must continue to expand its ranks.

Nowhere more than among organized labor.

Unions have largely
[[link removed]]
stayed out of the spotlight, fearful of uttering even the mildest
criticisms and incurring Trump’s wrath. Many have preemptively bent
the knee to curry favor with the administration in the hopes that
their groveling self-abnegation might spare their own members from
broader attacks on working people. But that’s beginning to change,
and more union leaders are speaking out against the president without
mincing words.

At a recent union conference, Brian Bryant, international president
of the International Association of Machinists & Aerospace Workers,
spoke directly to pro-Trump members who may have voted for the
union-buster who has gutted the National Labor Relations Board and the
Occupational Safety and Health Administration.

“I know nobody in this union voted for President Trump thinking that
he was going to take away bargaining rights for over a million people
in the federal government, because that’s just flat-out wrong,”
Bryant said
[[link removed]].
​“I know they didn’t vote for President Trump hoping that he
would defund OSHA and incapacitate the NLRB and other critical
departments that our members need.”

Bryant continued
[[link removed]]:
​“If you voted for him, you’ve got to make sure he knows that
you don’t agree with what’s happening, because when it comes to
union rights, there are no ifs, ands, or buts. There’s nowhere to be
but on the side of workers. Unfortunately, President Trump and his
billionaire buddies do not like organized labor, because they know
we’re the only voice for the working people.”

===

Reprinted with permission from _In These Times_
[[link removed]].
All rights reserved. 

xxxxxx is proud to feature content from _In These Times_
[[link removed]],
a publication dedicated to covering progressive politics, labor and
activism. To get more news and provocative analysis from _In These
Times_, sign up
[[link removed]] 
for a free weekly e-newsletter or subscribe
[[link removed]]
to the magazine at a special low rate.

* No Kings Day 2025; Unions and No Kings Day; Social Movements;
[[link removed]]

*
[[link removed]]
*
[[link removed]]
*
*
[[link removed]]

 

 

 

INTERPRET THE WORLD AND CHANGE IT

 

 

Submit via web
[[link removed]]

Submit via email
Frequently asked questions
[[link removed]]
Manage subscription
[[link removed]]
Visit xxxxxx.org
[[link removed]]

Twitter [[link removed]]

Facebook [[link removed]]

 




[link removed]

To unsubscribe, click the following link:
[link removed]