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THE RED SCARE IS AMERICAN PAST AND PRESENT  
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Benjamin Balthaser
October 19, 2025
Jacobin
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_ If we want to understand how we arrived in this authoritarian
moment in 2025, we need to understand one of the central pathways that
brought us here: McCarthyism. _

As we enter something like another red scare, one that seemed to many
liberals and even leftists impossible to conceive of months before its
machinery started, we should study previous red scares in American
history like McCarthyism., AP Photo/George Racey Jordan

 

In his firsthand account of the 1949 Peekskill Riot, the two-day
frenzy of state-sanctioned mob violence against a left-wing music
festival headlined by Paul Robeson, writer Howard Fast mostly
describes his disbelief. He was invited to help first with the
planning and then with the defense of the concert, as mobs of
vigilantes with clubs, knives, and guns shut down the performances,
violently assaulted many of the attendees, and forced Robeson into
hiding. Fast, in the face of mobs shouting racist and antisemitic
slogans, believed they could bring Robeson back a week later, with a
cordon of United Electrical and Longshoremen union members ringing the
concert. The exit from the fairgrounds became a living hell: a
gauntlet of thrown rocks, smashed windows, overturned cars, and
concertgoers beaten within inches of their lives, including the first
Black military aviator in World War I, Eugene Bullard.

After driving through a hail of rocks and slurs, Fast recorded in his
book _Peekskill, USA_ his stunned disbelief at seeing the
glistening, wet pavement around the burning metal carcasses of
smashed-up cars. At first thinking the slick rivulets were gasoline or
oil, he realized the streams were blood from the fleeing concertgoers.
He recalls a sense of disassociated unreality: this could not, he
thought, be happening. Remembering the conversations with others after
the violence over the weekend — no strangers to the Left or struggle
— “their talk was uneasy and troubled. They were trying to
understand what had happened, what had changed . . . a pervading
difference had come to the place; they had to know what that
difference was.”

Rioters clash at Paul Robeson’s 1949 concert in Peekskill, New York.
(Getty Images)

I have thought of Fast’s account as I assume many, like myself, are
in an equal state of stunned disbelief at the rapidly unfolding
repression of the second Donald Trump administration. Every week
brings crises that would be remarkable if they occurred only once in a
decade: the calling of federal troops into major US cities, live
assassination of migrants in international waters, labeling of
“anti-fascist” organizations as domestic terrorists, the abduction
and deportation of students for acts of constitutionally protected
speech, the creation of politically targeted “antisemitism” lists
of pro-Palestine faculty, ICE agents swarming major cities and
rounding up migrants in the street, the defunding of major private
research universities, the gutting of federal agencies, the embrace of
dangerous quack medical science.

Like Fast reading reports that the local American Legion were planning
to assassinate Paul Robeson, or even seeing literal blood in the
streets, the disorientation of the violence is not only the somatic
shock of that violence: it is that, as Fast relates, a short time
before, such things did not seem possible.

What Fast was witnessing was the early unfolding of the Second Red
Scare, the decade-long suppression, arrest, deportation,
terrorization, and occasional public execution of Communists and other
leftists in the United States. As we enter something like another red
scare, one that seemed to many liberals and even leftists impossible
to conceive of months before its machinery started, it’s helpful to
remember what we are analogizing.

Historian Ellen Schrecker refers to the era sometimes known as
“McCarthyism” (a label she and others dispute) as “the most
widespread and longest-lasting wave of political repression in
American history.” The Second Red Scare started well before and
lasted long after the demise of the demagogue from Wisconsin, Senator
Joseph McCarthy; what is at stake in his memorialization is the scope
and scale of the repression.

For many, the Second Red Scare was a minor incident, a bump on the
road toward achieving and fulfilling a twentieth-century liberal
consensus marked by the triumphs of civil rights and the feminist and
LGBT movements a decade later. Indeed, many academic histories of
“postwar liberalism” barely mention the Second Red Scare. In mass
culture, even when it is the focus of a film
like _Trumbo_ or _Goodnight and Good Luck_, one gets the sense that
it mainly involved the persecution of a few Communists in the film
industry — tragic perhaps, but with little lasting impact on the
wider American culture and American politics. The recent TV
series _For All Mankind_ presented the Second Red Scare as primarily
a civil rights issue for queer federal workers, which it certainly was
— and yet, not a wave of political repression of which anti-queer
violence was one form of violence among many.

By official counting, two people were executed by the state, several
hundred academics were fired, several thousand went to prison or were
deported, and several tens of thousands lost their jobs as state or
federal workers.

By official counting, two people were executed by the state, several
hundred academics were fired, several thousand went to prison or were
deported, and several tens of thousands lost their jobs as state or
federal workers. While the Red Scare “was not Nazi Germany,” to
quote Schrecker, that one even needs to declaim it as such is telling.
As Herbert Marcuse wrote in the last years of his life, the Red Scare
inaugurated “a new stage of development” in the “Western
world,” one that echoes the “horrors of the Nazi regime,” a
state of “permanent counter-revolution” against “every thing”
that is “called ‘communist.'”

Left writers at the time frequently made the analogy between the
Second Red Scare and fascism. A popular pamphlet released by the
left-wing _Pacific Publishing _claimed that Je McCarthy was
“spearhead of fascism” and “on the path of Hitler.” _Jewish
Life_ was even less tentative: “McCarthyism is fascism.” Mike
Gold called it “Nazi America.” That its deatho toll was nowhere
near classically fascist regimes does not mean the Second Red
Scare’s targets and aims were not the same: to crush the Left and,
especially, crush any possible alternative to capitalism or American
global hegemony. If we want to understand how we arrived in this
authoritarian moment in 2025, we need to understand one of the central
pathways that brought us here, the Second Red Scare.

An American Night

If the Red Scare had only fired, imprisoned, and publicly executed
members of the Communist Party, it would have been enough to
dramatically alter the terrain of politics in the United States. As
much as the Communist Party is remembered for some unsavory positions,
from the support of the Nazi-Soviet Pact to turning around just over a
year later to support the US government’s “no strike pledge”
during World War II to defense of Joseph Stalin, the CPUSA was, in the
words of historian Michael Denning, the “most important left-wing
political organization of the Popular Front era.”

Without many of the party’s key campaigns and coalitions, it is very
possible the 1930s in the United States would have looked less like
the New Deal and more like Peron’s Argentina or Franco’s Spain:
there were not only real far-right movements in the United States,
many of the elite business interests were hostile to even the program
of social reforms proposed by President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
From organizing marches of the unemployed in the early 1930s, the
defense of nine Black youths falsely accused of rape in Scottsboro,
Alabama, to forming the backbone of early Congress of Industrial
Organizations, as one labor organizer put it, “social security,
unemployment insurance, early de-segregation orders were the direct
result of Communist Party’s organizing.”

Left to right: Some of the top leaders of the Communist Party USA
swept up in the 1948 Red Scare dragnet descend the steps of the
Federal Courthouse in New York: William Z. Foster, Benjamin J. Davis,
Eugene Dennis, Henry Winston, John Williamson, and Jack Stachel. |
People’s World Archives

Yet the real effect of the Second Red Scare went far beyond the
suppression of active Party members and other Marxists. Paul Robeson,
C.L.R. James, W.E.B. Du Bois, Dorothy Healey, Mike Gold, John
Garfield, William Patterson, Richard Wright, Arthur Miller, Leonard
Bernstein, Herbert Aptheker, and Claudia Jones were only some of the
artists and intellectuals who were deported, lost their jobs, fled the
country, had their passports revoked, and/or were jailed under the
Smith Act.

And numerous popular, populist civil rights and labor organizations
that were either led by Communists or loosely affiliated with the
CPUSA as “front” organizations were banned or hemorrhaged members,
including a broad base of noncommunists, from the Council on African
Affairs, the Civil Rights Congress, The Committee for the Protection
of the Foreign Born, the anti-Zionist Jewish People’s Fraternal
Order, the Yiddish language newspaper _Morgen Freiheit_, anti-fascist
organizations such as the American League against War and Fascism and
the Hollywood Anti-Nazi League (later American Peace Mobilization),
even early environmentalist organizations such as Friends of the
Earth.

The real effect of the Second Red Scare went far beyond the
suppression of active Party members and other Marxists.

Such broad-based organizations made connections among anti-fascist,
anti-racist and ecological thinking in a socialist framework. Fighting
capitalism was to fight racism, and vice versa. The liberal, national,
and often pro-business framework of the post–Second Red Scare early
civil rights movement looked very different from the politics of the
Civil Rights Congress or the National Negro Congress.

That it took until the late 1960s for organizations such as Students
for a Democratic Society (SDS
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Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC
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to connect racism, imperialism, and capitalism together suggests how
much the later movements were impacted by the absence of a strong,
already-existing Marxist left. It’s an open question how much of the
later fracturing of the New Left might have owed to the length of time
it took to develop such keen intersectional thinking. Movements of the
post–New Left fractured over questions of race as against class;
Marxists of the Popular Front era often saw these as co-constitutive.

Anatomy of a Curtain Call

While the Second Red Scare touched nearly every facet of American
life, from small-town Parent Teacher Association meetings, to the
state department, to neighborhood foreign language clubs, to arson and
vigilante campaigns waged against union halls and socialist summer
camps, one story perhaps like no other encapsulates the level of
coordination among state, civic, and cultural institutions to censor
and destroy the Left and eradicate wholesale all left cultural or
political expression: the suppression of a single film, _Salt of the
Earth_.

_Salt_ was created by blacklisted filmmakers Herbert Biberman,
Michael Wilson, and Paul Jarrico, all of whom lost their jobs (and, in
Biberman’s case, spent a year in jail under the Smith Act). They
formed their own film company in response to their newfound
unemployment in the hopes they might be able to secure private funding
to make progressive films. While they considered several biographical
plots — John Brown’s raid on Harper’s Ferry, a single mother who
lost her children after being investigated by the House Un-American
Activities Committee (HUAC) — when Jarrico witnessed a miner’s
strike in New Mexico by a left-led, mostly Chicano union fighting
against a racist pay gap, he knew he found his “story.”

The union, Mine-Mill Local 890, faced a Taft-Hartley
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that forbade picketing by striking miners — yet did not include the
miners’ wives. Taft-Hartley was part of a panoply of lawfare, key to
the Second Red Scare, directed at curtailing strikes, firing Communist
union officials, and ending the ability for unions to act in
solidarity with one another through a ban on “secondary boycotts.”
While Mine-Mill did not defeat Taft-Hartley, in a move prescient of
the later feminist movement, a picket line of miners’ wives took
over the strike, repeatedly chasing off waves of strike breakers. The
union crossed the gender line and proved that unions are not only
organizations that represent their own workers, but entire
communities.

A group of miners are depicted in this still from the 1954 film Salt
of the Earth. (Paul Jarrico / Independent Productions)

 

When Biberman, Jarrico, and Wilson wrote the script, they also
submitted it to the union for democratic review by members and, in a
remarkable worker-artist collaboration, rewrote several scenes the
miners deemed stereotypical or offensive to the Catholic sensibilities
of the community. (Also with much alarm by Biberman and Wilson, union
members removed most of the references to the Korean War or US
imperialism.) Yet what emerged was a pared-down, tightly woven script
that blended a workers’ struggle for safety, an anti-racist struggle
for equal wages, and a feminist struggle for recognition and equality
within the home.

Although it was one of the finest films of the 1950s, Hollywood
executives, Hollywood union leadership, and the FBI met during
shooting to prevent the film from being finished. They succeeded in
closing film processing centers and stopping sound technicians from
being able to process their work, a score from being recorded, and the
film from being distributed or shown in the United States. They
deported the lead actress, Rosaura Revueltas, to Mexico. Vigilantes
showed up on the set and shot at crew members; the Mine-Mill labor
hall was burnt down, and the Mine-Mill staffer Clint Jencks was
severely beaten and forced, through the Taft-Hartley affidavit, to
resign from the union on threat of other union leadership facing
prison.

Despite heroic efforts to finish the film (including sneaking film
into processing centers, concluding the filming in Mexico, and lying
to an orchestra about its content), the film was screened only two
times in the United States before no other theater would carry it. The
film company was bankrupted with legal fees. The union, Mine-Mill,
after decades of waging a struggle for equality in Southwest mines,
was raided by another union, the Steelworkers, until it too, went
bankrupt, effectively ending its drive to equalized pay and treatment
between Chicano and Anglo miners.

This story was an exceptional one, given that it was about a major
film production. But in many ways, it was entirely common, revealing
the dramatic coordination between vigilante and far-right movements,
the state, major corporations, and right-leaning labor unions to
commit violence, deportation, censorship, and institutional
destruction. The suppression of _Salt of the Earth _is a story of
just how far the Second Red Scare extended past the lives of Hollywood
directors and even members of the Communist Party, to destroy an
independent film company and a racially integrated, left-led union,
relying on vigilante violence and the surveillance power of
corporations and the state to carry out its dictates. It was a
microcosm of the way state, capital, and conservative forces within
the labor movement coordinated to suppress the Left.

Red Scare Governance

Historian and theorist Charisse Burden-Stelly frames red scares as a
flexible “mode of governance” which fuses both coercive “public
authority” as well as “societal self-regulation” as it reaches
its zenith. The United States, Burden-Stelly writes, has a history of
red scare governance, from the White Terror that ended Reconstruction
to the mass hanging and arrests after the Haymarket Riot, to the
deportations and mass imprisonment of the First Red Scare, to the
“anti-syndicalist” and “red flag” laws of the early twentieth
century, to the Second Red Scare and, later, the assassinations under
the FBI regime of COINTELPRO.

Red scares are not singular events, writes Burden-Stelly, but a form
of counterrevolutionary governance. They are a portable set of tropes,
racial scripts, constructions, and legal forms of repression that can
be deployed against the Left, yet require state, business, and
political consolidation to be enacted. The Second Red Scare was key in
part because it fashioned a legal apparatus still with us today, as
the ongoing attempted deportation of Mahmoud Khalil
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And perhaps more importantly, because it was the first time a red
scare of its type systematically went after not only organizations,
but all of civil society.

Red scares are not singular events, but a form of counterrevolutionary
governance.

Burden-Stelly notes the Second Red Scare was not only a destructive
form of coercion; the advent of the Cold War created the civil and
cultural infrastructure of modern liberalism. Civil rights liberals,
the Democratic Party, and Jewish and African American organizations
accepted anti-communism as the condition for reform. “Loyalty
oaths” also created affective if imaginary bonds with the nation and
the notion of universal citizenship. When Kamala Harris named Trump a
“communist
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recently, she likely did not believe that MAGA wishes to seize the
means of production, but rather she sought to evoke the Cold War
liberal coalition of multiethnic anti-communism as the civic religion
of a New Deal state.

Yet as much as the Second Red Scare remade the left wing of the New
Deal coalition from “multiethnic social democracy” to
“multiethnic anti-communist liberalism,” it’s important to point
out that the Communists, even the Left, were not the only — maybe
not even the primary — big-picture target of anti-communism. As
historian Landon Storrs makes clear, the purging of Communists and
socialists from the civil service, federal government, universities,
and labor unions not only limited the scope of their politics, it
undid many of the more far-reaching reforms of the New Deal itself.

Whether it was the Taft-Hartley Act limiting the right to strike and
engage in boycotts, the ending of price controls after World War II,
or the adoption of homophobic and patriarchal family policy, the
purges not only affected the lives of thousands of state and federal
workers (overrepresented among whom were Black, Jewish, and queer
employees), but severely curtailed the era of social reform reached by
the height of the New Deal. The purging of the state department of
scholars and diplomats with expertise in China alone accelerated the
Cold War and helped lead to the foreign (and domestic) policy
catastrophes of the Korean and later Vietnam Wars.

George Lipsitz recounted one CEO lamenting, ‘any businessman who
says they have control over their factory is a damned liar.’

Historian Kim Phillips-Fein argues similarly that the era of the
UAW’s landmark “Treaty of Detroit” with General Motors in 1950
and the supposed cessation of hostilities between the two sides that
the contract allowed for hides a longer war of big business against
labor. This grand compromise was predicated on further capitalist
consolidation, a curtailment of union militancy, a narrowing of union
demands to wages and benefits, and, above all, surrender of control of
day-to-day working conditions on the shop floor to management. In the
1940s, the CIO wrested an important degree of control of work away
from the boss: setting limits on the speed of the assembly line,
hiring and firing, and, above all, setting limits to worker discipline
by management. In many of the Communist-led unions, such worker
self-activity also centered on ending racial segregation in plants and
among shop foremen. George Lipsitz, in his work on radical labor
movements shortly before the Second Red Scare, recounted one CEO
lamenting, “any businessman who says they have control over their
factory is a damned liar.”

While the “Treaty of Detroit” has been celebrated for creating an
industrial “middle class,”  “GM…got a bargain,”
wrote _Fortune_ magazine in 1950, as it “regained control over …
crucial management functions.” Much in the same way the purging of
the “peace camp” from the state department paved the way for the
invasion of Vietnam a decade later, so too did the defanging of the
labor movement set the stage for the deindustrialization and
destruction of working class communities from Detroit to South Shore
to Toledo.

Members of the Black Panther Party circle the Alameda County
courthouse on July 15, 1968, as the murder trial of party cofounder
Huey P. Newton begins. (United Press International via Getty Images)

Some of the effects of the Second Red Scare were incalculably
cultural. When Black Panther activist Assata Shakur
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encountered socialist anti-colonial movements, she writes in her
autobiography that she felt confused, thinking that socialism was a
“white man’s concoction.” In hindsight, her “image of a
communist came from a cartoon.” She came to realize that her
understanding of anti-colonialism was entirely American: that much of
the Third World embraced, if not communism, some form of socialist
emancipation. Unless anti-colonial movements were socialist in
orientation, “white colonialists would simply be replaced by Black
neocolonialists,” concluding

We’re taught at such an early age to be against the communists, yet
most of us don’t have the faintest idea what communism is. Only a
fool lets somebody else tell him who his enemy is . . .  It’s got
to be one of the most basic principles of living: always decide who
your enemies are for yourself, and never let your enemies choose your
enemies for you.

The “early age” during which Shakur learned to be “against
communists” was in the late 1950s and early 1960s, in the immediate
aftermath of McCarthyism’s peak. Even decades later, anti-communism
continues to structure the contours of the law, including legal
restraints on labor unions passed in the McCarthy era that are still
with us and anti-terror deportation statutes and boycott bans (most
currently, bans on boycotting Israel). And anti-communism is deployed
discursively to police the boundaries of acceptable politics, from
derailing single-payer health care as “socialism,” to scholars
such as Timothy Snyder referring to the violent, racist rhetoric of
Trump right-hand man Stephen Miller as “communist.” If one
compares the United States to industrialized nations that never
experienced a comparable red scare, such as France and Holland, one
can’t help speculate if their high wages and generous social
benefits may owe in no small part to the state’s unwillingness or
inability to purge the Left from civil society.

Fascism in an Age of Spectacle

This returns us to the question posed by the Trump administration:
what is the relationship between this red scare and the previous one?
There are two ways to understand this question. Not only did the
hollowing out of liberalism — the decimation of left-led unions, the
narrowing of civil rights — help to construct conditions under which
the neoliberal counterrevolution could undo the last political
vestiges of the New Deal and Great Society, the Second Red Scare also
created a cultural legitimacy for anti-radicalism. As a
recent _Politico_
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claimed, even while real damage was done, the Second Red Scare
“petered out” after McCarthy was defeated, and liberalism
benefitted as it was no longer tainted with the unpatriotic
association with Communism.

_The current red scare is, like everything under the Trump
administration, shambolic, haphazard, and chaotic._

There is, in one sense, a historical lineage; there is also a rupture.
As Ellen Schrecker recently argued on _Democracy Now!_, this current
red scare under Trump is “worse
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than what came before, as it no longer only targets admitted radicals,
but destroys the very institutions of liberalism itself: universities,
federal agencies, even the idea of the rule of law. For all of its
many crimes, HUAC did at least attempt to make the appearance of
adhering to formal liberalism. The current red scare is, like
everything under the Trump administration, shambolic, haphazard, and
chaotic: it often feels like watching a political tornado more than a
concerted effort by a unitary state.

While some of these differences owe to the particular and peculiar
geniuses of J. Edgar Hoover
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Donald Trump — the former ruthless, methodical, exacting, and
programmatic; the latter spectacular, chaotic, and gaudy — perhaps
the salient difference is that our current red scare emerges at a
vastly different historical confluence of events.

Not only is the far right ascendant globally, decades of neoliberalism
have hollowed out the state and produced a social fabric far
more segregated
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unequal, alienated, and precarious than the 1950s and 1960s. Trump’s
assault on liberalism itself is in part due to the fact that there is
not only no organized radical left to assault, but that public
institutions have far less social support and state investment in the
reproduction of civil society than they did eighty years ago.

J. Edgar Hoover was a product of the technocratic organization of the
Progressive Era; Trump, a product of the dissolution of postmodern
late fascism.

Richard Seymour calls this form of far-right chaos and devastation
“disaster nationalism
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noting how the pastiche of conspiracy theory, doomerism, end-times
millenarianism, apocalypse fantasy, blood-and-soil revanchism,
terminally online hypermasculinity and hyper-racism are key affective
elements of a world that has long since abandoned rational capital
accumulation, currency controls, and regulation of high Keynesianism
and the welfare state. J. Edgar Hoover was a product of the
technocratic organization of the Progressive Era; Trump, a product of
the dissolution of postmodern late fascism.

The Second Red Scare also required at least the appearance of consent.
For liberals such as Arthur Schlesinger, this appearance of consent
was constitutive of the “age of consensus” politics, as both
liberals and conservatives joined the attack on the Left. Such
appearance of consent also structures the historical narrative:
McCarthy could be blamed for the rancor and excesses of the era; the
system itself had rational, objective, and popular aims. That
Communism was a real threat not only to the ruling class but American
democracy itself is accepted not only by conservatives but most
liberals. Trump’s new red scare is the product of polarization: it
is contemptuous of democratic norms and also of mass consensus.
Trump’s enemies are as much “antifa” radicals as the Democratic
Party itself.

On July 1, 2025, masked ICE agents detain a man attending a hearing in
immigration court at the Jacob K. Javitz Federal Building in New York,
New York. (Mostafa Bassim / Andalou via Getty Images)

Trump’s war on consensus and consent poses real dangers of
authoritarianism not dreamed of in the 1950s. It also, paradoxically,
suggests that the Trump’s red scare may be a paper tiger — one
that university administrators, Democratic lawmakers, and much of the
media are all too happy to run from as if it were real. As we have
seen, protest and pushback can still work: Mahmoud Khalil is no longer
in ICE detention (even as he waits for his case to be processed in
court); Jimmy Kimmel was reinstated; many states are rolling out their
own vaccine schedules despite RFK Jr’s assault on public health; and
so on. Even the most authoritarian regimes require willing consent for
their regimes to function.

Yet in many ways, we are in the same position Fast was in 1949:
watching a violent spectacle unfold in front of our eyes, not yet
fully registering or able to know how far into the abyss it will take
us. The most important lesson from Fast’s narrative is that, under
attack, legal and physical, Communists and other radicals resisted.
Fast organized pickets to protect concertgoers; Biberman and Jarrico
attempted to make a radical film about a union fighting racism;
Communists and their allies in large numbers refused to comply with
HUAC investigations, plead the Fifth, and would not name names, even
when such refusal landed thousands in jail and many tens of thousands
without income. Ethel and Julius Rosenberg
[[link removed]] refused
unto death. Their refusal to comply was consistent with radical left
analysis that the Second Red Scare was a form of American fascism —
and if one learned anything from the catastrophe of the Holocaust, it
was to resist fascism from the beginning until the end.

As Albert Einstein editorialized in 1953, “Every intellectual who is
called before one of the committees should refuse to testify, i.e., he
must be prepared for jail and economic ruin, in short, for the
sacrifice of his personal welfare in the interest of the cultural
welfare of the country.” While this may have been cold comfort for
those who lost their jobs and their unions, without the example of
such resistance, it is unlikely the New Left would have arisen from
the ashes of the Old in the 1960s.

_BENJAMIN BALTHASER is an associate professor of multiethnic US
literature at Indiana University, South Bend. He is the author most
recently of Citizens of the Whole World: Anti-Zionism and the
Cultures of the American Jewish Left from Verso Books._

_JACOBIN is a leading voice of the American left, offering socialist
perspectives on politics, economics, and culture. The print magazine
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_Subscribe to Jacobin [[link removed]] today, get four
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* U.S. history
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* repression
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* Communist Party USA
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* Red Scare
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* McCarthyism
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* Donald Trump
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* Paul Robeson
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* Blacklist
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