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** The Rise of the Prison State: Trump’s Push for Megaprisons Could Lock Us All Up
By John & Nisha Whitehead
July 9, 2025
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“You think we’re arresting people now? You wait till we get the funding to do what we got to do. ([link removed]) ”—Tom Homan, Trump’s border czar
America is rapidly becoming a nation of prisons.
Having figured out how to parlay presidential authority in foreign affairs in order to sidestep the Constitution, President Trump is using his immigration enforcement powers to lock up—and lock down—the nation.
After all, a police state requires a prison state. And no one is cheering louder than the private prison corporations making money hand over fist ([link removed]) from Trump’s expansion of federal detention.
Under the guise of national security and public safety, the Trump administration is engineering the largest federal expansion of incarceration and detention powers ([link removed]) in U.S. history.
At the center of this campaign is Alligator Alcatraz, a federal detention facility built in the Florida Everglades and hailed by the White House as a model for the future of federal incarceration. But this is more than a new prison—it is the architectural symbol of a carceral state being quietly constructed in plain sight.
With over $170 billion allocated through Trump’s megabill ([link removed]) , we are witnessing the creation of a vast, permanent enforcement infrastructure aimed at turning the American police state into a prison state.
The scope of this expansion is staggering.
The bill allocates $45 billion just to expand immigrant detention—a move that will make ICE the best-funded federal law enforcement agency in American history ([link removed]) , with more money than the FBI, the DEA, and the Bureau of Prisons combined.
Yet be warned: what begins with ICE rarely ends with ICE.
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Trump’s initial promise to crack down on “violent illegal criminals” has evolved into a sweeping mandate: a mass, quota-driven roundup campaign ([link removed]) that detains anyone the administration deems a threat, regardless of legal status and at significant expense to the American taxpayer: immigrants, activists, journalists, business owners, military veterans, and even spouses of American citizens.
What’s more, the vast majority of those being detained are not violent criminals.
According to analyst Robert Reich, 71.7 percent of ICE detainees have no criminal record ([link removed]) . Many are longtime residents, laborers, and small business owners—people who have contributed to the economy for years.
Removing these individuals from the workforce and imprisoning them not only devastates families and communities—it burdens taxpayers and weakens the economy.
According to the Department of Homeland Security, it costs more than $150 a day to detain a single immigrant ([link removed]) —totaling over $3 billion annually for ICE detention ([link removed]) alone. Meanwhile, undocumented workers contribute an estimated $96 billion in federal, state and local taxes each year ([link removed]) , and billions more in Social Security and Medicare taxes ([link removed]) that they can never claim.
These are the workers who keep industries running—doing the jobs many Americans refuse. Locking them up doesn’t save money; it dismantles the very labor force that sustains the economy.
Like so many of the Trump administration’s grandiose plans, the math doesn’t add up.
Just as Trump’s tariffs have failed to revive American manufacturing and instead raised consumer prices, this detention-state spending spree will cost taxpayers far more than it saves.
It’s not just authoritarian—it’s bad economics, funneling tax dollars into a bureaucracy that grows government while delivering no real public benefit.
We’re being told it’s about public safety and border control—but in reality, it’s a bloated, inefficient bureaucracy that shifts billions from productive parts of the economy into a black hole of surveillance, cement, and razor wire.
Making matters worse, many of these detained immigrants are then exploited as a pool of cheap labor inside the very facilities where they’re held.
In other words, this isn’t just a prison expansion—it’s a taxpayer-funded machine that extracts labor from the very people it imprisons, while draining billions from the economy and undermining the industries it claims to protect in order to help corporations make a larger profit.
According to The New York Times, at least 60,000 immigrants were put to work in ICE detention centers in 2013 ([link removed]) —more than were employed by any single private employer in the country at the time. Paid as little as 13 cents an hour—or nothing at all—these civil detainees were used to prepare meals, clean facilities, and even provide services to other government institutions.
Unlike convicted criminals, these individuals are not serving sentences. Most are civil detainees awaiting immigration hearings, and roughly half are ultimately allowed to stay in the country. Yet while they await due process, they are locked up, stripped of their rights, and forced to work for pennies on the dollar ([link removed]) —all while the government and its contractors avoid paying minimum wage and save tens of millions a year in labor costs.
This isn’t just about cutting corners. It’s a taxpayer-subsidized racket—a corporatist scheme where politically connected companies profit from government largesse, growing the very bureaucratic state that so-called fiscal conservatives once claimed to oppose.
This kind of exploitation is not limited to immigration detention.
An investigation by the Associated Press found that prisoners in the United States—many held in private or underregulated facilities—are part of a multibillion-dollar empire ([link removed]) that supplies a hidden labor supply chain linked to hundreds of popular food brands and supply companies.
As the Associated Press reports, “The goods these prisoners produce wind up in the supply chains of a dizzying array of products found in most American kitchens ([link removed]) , from Frosted Flakes cereal and Ball Park hot dogs to Gold Medal flour, Coca-Cola and Riceland rice. They are on the shelves of virtually every supermarket in the country, including Kroger, Target, Aldi and Whole Foods. And some goods are exported, including to countries that have had products blocked from entering the U.S. for using forced or prison labor.”
It’s no coincidence that 90 percent of people in immigration detention are held in privately run facilities ([link removed]) . These corporations profit from every additional body behind bars—and have lobbied aggressively for the policies that keep the beds full. Their contracts often guarantee minimum occupancy levels, creating perverse incentives to detain more people, for longer periods, at the expense of justice and human rights.
The implications for Trump’s detention empire are chilling.
At a time when the administration is promising mass deportations to appease anti-immigrant hardliners, it is simultaneously constructing a parallel economy in which detained migrants can be pressed into near-free labor to satisfy the needs of industries that depend on migrant work.
What Trump is building isn’t just a prison state—it’s a forced labor regime, where confinement and exploitation go hand in hand. And it’s a high price to pay for a policy that creates more problems than it solves.
As the enforcement dragnet expands, so too does the definition of who qualifies as an enemy of the state.
Erected under the banner of law and order, this permanent infrastructure of incarceration and enforcement is being put in place now for use tomorrow—not just against violent criminals who happen to be undocumented immigrants, but against whoever the government deems undesirable.
Increasingly, not even citizenship is a safeguard against the carceral state—as one recent case involving a legal U.S. resident arrested for his political views makes chillingly clear.
The Trump administration is now pushing to review and revoke the citizenship of Americans it deems national security risks ([link removed]) —targeting them for arrest, detention, and deportation.
Unfortunately, the government’s definition of “national security threat” is so broad, vague and unconstitutional that it could encompass anyone engaged in peaceful, nonviolent, constitutionally protected activities—including criticism of government policy or the policies of allied governments like Israel.
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In Trump’s prison state, no one is beyond the government’s reach.
Just ask Mahmoud Khalil ([link removed]) , a legal U.S. resident married to a U.S. citizen who was detained for months by ICE for daring to peacefully oppose Israel’s war efforts in Gaza. Khalil’s arrest was not based on any crime—but on his political views, which the government labeled a national security concern under a little-used statute that allows the Secretary of State to deport non-citizens for expressing views deemed contrary to U.S. foreign policy interests.
A federal judge ultimately ordered Khalil’s release, finding that the detention likely violates due process rights when coupled with First Amendment protections. As the judge warned, if such a law can be used against Khalil, “then other, similar statutes can also one day be made to apply. Not just in the removal context, as to foreign nationals. But also in the criminal context, as to everyone. ([link removed]) ”
In other words, exercising your First Amendment rights can land you in a cell—citizen or not.
Despite the Trump administration’s efforts to criminalize dissent and expand the machinery needed to enforce it, this is not a partisan expansion—it’s a structural one and it is being built to outlast any single presidency.
Look closer and you’ll see the outlines of a system built not for justice, but for mass containment and control.
This isn’t speculation. We’ve seen this trajectory before.
Critics of the post-9/11 security state—left, right, and libertarian alike—have long warned that the powers granted to fight terrorism and control immigration would eventually be turned inward, used against dissidents, protestors, and ordinary citizens.
That moment has arrived.
Power, once granted, rarely shrinks. It merely changes hands.
That’s why the Founders placed limits on federal power in the first place—because they knew that even well-meaning government programs would metastasize into tyranny if left unchecked.
Yet Trump’s most vocal supporters remain dangerously convinced they have nothing to fear from this expanding enforcement machine. But history—and the Constitution—say otherwise.
Our founders understood that unchecked government power, especially in the name of public safety, is the most dangerous threat to liberty. That’s why they enshrined rights like due process, trial by jury, and protection from unreasonable searches.
Those safeguards are now being hollowed out.
Immigration courts already operate without juries and allow indefinite detention. Civil liberties have been eroded by predictive policing, no-knock raids, and dragnet surveillance. Asset forfeiture laws allow the government to seize property without charges.
Now, with billions more in detention funding, these tactics are being scaled up and normalized for broader use.
And the public is being conditioned to accept it.
The pageantry surrounding Alligator Alcatraz isn’t just about capacity—it’s about spectacle. The prison, which was built in eight days, features more than 200 security cameras ([link removed]) , 28,000-plus feet of barbed wire and 400 security personnel.
This is not a correctional facility. It’s a warning.
A government that rules by fear must maintain that fear.
Trump’s detention expansion—like the mass surveillance programs before it—is not about making America safe. It’s about following the blueprints for authoritarian control in order to lock down the country.
The Trump administration claims its expanding detention regime is aimed at curbing illegal immigration and violent crime. In reality, the new federal budget significantly broadens ICE’s mandate and resources, supercharges its reach through private-public surveillance partnerships, and grants it sweeping policing powers to investigate so-called domestic threats, operate pretrial detention centers, and detain individuals without formal charges under emergency powers.
These are not the tools of a free society. They are the instruments of a permanent security state.
We’re told we must trade liberty for security. But whose security, and at what cost?
With this expansion, we are moving from a nation of laws to a nation of executive decrees, predictive enforcement, and pre-crime detention. Already, courtrooms have become conveyor belts to prison, designed to serve the state, not justice.
The government’s targets may be the vulnerable today—but the infrastructure is built for everyone: Trump’s administration is laying the legal groundwork for indefinite detention of citizens and noncitizens alike.
Executive power during a declared emergency knows few bounds. And those bounds are becoming looser with every new bill, every new detention center, every new algorithm.
This is not just about building prisons. It’s about dismantling the constitutional protections that make us free.
A nation cannot remain free while operating as a security state. And a government that treats liberty as a threat will soon treat the people as enemies.
This is not a partisan warning. It is a constitutional one.
Trump’s supporters may cheer the crackdown now, but what happens when these powers are turned inward?
What happens when a future administration—left, right, or otherwise—decides that your political speech, your religious views, or your refusal to comply with a federal mandate constitutes a threat to order?
What happens when you’re arrested under suspicion, held without trial, and processed through a court system designed for speed, not fairness?
What happens when Alligator Alcatraz becomes the model for every state?
We are dangerously close to losing the constitutional guardrails that keep power in check.
The very people who once warned against Big Government—the ones who decried the surveillance state, the IRS, and federal overreach—are now cheering for the most dangerous part of it: the unchecked power to surveil, detain, and disappear citizens without full due process.
Limited government, not mass incarceration, is the backbone of liberty.
The Founders warned that the greatest threat to liberty was not a foreign enemy, but domestic power left unchecked. That’s exactly what we’re up against now. A nation cannot claim to defend freedom while building a surveillance-fueled, prison-industrial empire.
Trump’s prison state is not a defense of America. It’s the destruction of everything America was meant to defend.
We can pursue justice without abandoning the Constitution. We can secure our borders and our communities without turning every American into a suspect and building a federal gulag.
But we must act now.
History has shown us where this road leads. As I make clear in my book Battlefield America: The War on the American People ([link removed]) and in its fictional counterpart The Erik Blair Diaries ([link removed]) , once the machinery of tyranny is built, it rarely stays idle.
If we continue down this path, cheering on bigger prisons, broader police powers, and unchecked executive authority—if we fail to reject the dangerous notion that more prisons, more power, and fewer rights will somehow make us safer—if we fail to restore the foundational limits that protect us from government overreach before those limits are gone for good—we may wake up to find that the prisons and concentration camps the police state is building won’t just hold others.
One day, they may hold us all.
WC: 2393
Source: [link removed]
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ABOUT JOHN & NISHA WHITEHEAD
Constitutional attorney and author John W. Whitehead is founder and president of The Rutherford Institute. His latest books The Erik Blair Diaries ([link removed]) and Battlefield America: The War on the American People ([link removed]) are available at www.amazon.com. Whitehead can be contacted at
[email protected] (mailto:
[email protected]) .
Nisha Whitehead is the Executive Director of The Rutherford Institute. Information about The Rutherford Institute is available at www.rutherford.org.
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