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The Muslim Brotherhood’s Strategic Infiltration of the West Began with Campus Movements
The Muslim Brotherhood (MB), founded in Egypt in 1928 by Hassan al-Banna, has grown into a global Islamist movement with a calculated presence in Europe and America. Its history of expansion, particularly since the mid-20th century, reveals a deliberate strategy to establish influence in Western societies, especially American university campuses, often with support from the political Left, as revealed from insights from Saudi journalist Abdallah bin Bjad Al-Otaibi.
The MB’s westward expansion began in the 1940s and 1950s, led by figures like Sa’id Ramadan, who traveled to Europe to establish MB branches, especially in Germany.
By the 1960s, MB members increasingly migrated to the United States, with their numbers and organizational presence growing significantly in the 1970s. Leaders such as Muhammad Fathi Osman and Hassan Hathout capitalized on America’s constitutional freedoms to found communities, organizations, and movements living out the last two decades in America, after establishing the MB in Britain.
The MB established key institutions like the North American Islamic Trust (NAIT) in 1973 and the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA) in 1981, both of which aimed to advance Islam as a “complete way of life” and “alternative civilization” in North America. According to their blueprint and founding document, revealed during the HLF trial (pg16), these organizations have since served as hubs for Islamist influence and expansion.
In Europe, the MB adapted its agenda to local contexts, creating permanent organizations by the 1980s. Groups like the Union des Organisations Islamiques de France and the Federation of Islamic Organizations in Europe became major affiliates, shaping Muslim communities and advocating for Sharia-based governance. Yusuf al-Qaradawi, a prominent MB scholar based in Qatar, outlined a “wassatiyya” approach—using dialogue and peaceful means to achieve Islamist goals—while envisioning Muslim enclaves governed by Islamic law in Western nations. This strategy masked the MB’s long-term aim of cultural and political dominance. He was named as an unindicted co-conspirator in the HLF trial affiliated with the MB and Hamas, based on his ideological influence and connections to MB networks.
On American campuses, the MB has been the driving force behind pro-Palestinian movements and protests, according to Al-Otaibi. He argues that these movements are not spontaneous expressions of solidarity but orchestrated efforts by the MB, leveraging its decades-long foothold in the U.S. Since the 1960s, the MB has founded student organizations like the Muslim Students Association (MSA), which later evolved into broader networks like ISNA. These groups have mobilized students, often under the guise of human rights activism, to advance MB agendas. The waving of Hamas and Hezbollah flags at campus protests signals this influence, reflecting the MB’s ties to these groups, particularly Hamas, which explicitly identifies as an MB of “Palestine.”
Polling of College Students on October 7th Sabbath Massacre:
In 2023, 12% saw the Hamas Attack as “justified”
In 2024, 20% saw the Hamas Attack as “justified”
In 2024, 45% support pro-Palestinian protests while only 24% oppose them, and only 11% identified as “pro-Israel”
In 2023, 73% of Republicans blamed Hamas, while only 50% of Democrats blamed them.
The MB’s success in the West has been bolstered by an alliance with the American liberal Left, particularly within the Democratic Party and academic circles. Al-Otaibi notes that the Left’s dominance in universities and cultural spheres, such as Hollywood, has provided fertile ground for MB influence, creating a symbiotic relationship that amplifies Islamist rhetoric under the banner of social justice.
The Muslim Brotherhood’s network includes NAIT, established in 1973 by the Muslim Students Association (MSA), the predecessor of the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA), and Islamic Association for Palestine (IAP), which later became CAIR, were all named unindicted co-conspirators in the Holy Land Foundation (originally named ‘Occupied Land Fund’) trial. Prosecutors presented evidence of checks deposited into an account for HLF, allegedly payable to Hamas’s military wing, “the Palestinian Mujahadeen.”
Court documents from the HLF case, including a 1991 Muslim Brotherhood memorandum, identified NAIT, ISNA, IAP, CAIR, and the Muslim Student Association as a few of the 29 organizations aimed at advancing a “grand Jihad” to establish an Islamic foothold in America, with HLF explicitly created by the Brotherhood’s Palestine Committee to support Hamas.
In the 2008 Holy Land Foundation (HLF) trial, a federal jury convicted the HLF and five of its leaders on 108 charges, including conspiracy to provide material support to Hamas, a designated foreign terrorist organization (FTO), providing over $12 million in support. The investigation exposed a network of Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated groups in North America, including the Islamic Association for Palestine (IAP), tied to a "Grand Jihad" strategy to advance Hamas’s agenda through political and financial means. Despite the convictions, Hamas’s influence persists, with individuals and organizations named unindicted co-conspirators remaining active in the U.S. today.
The U.S. government included the IAP on a list of approximately 300 unindicted co-conspirators and joint venturers filed in 2007 during the first trial, alleging that the IAP was part of a network of organizations tied to the Muslim Brotherhood’s Palestine Committee in the U.S., which was accused of supporting Hamas’s political and financial agendas. Even the dissolved IAP was re-established as American Muslims for Palestine (AMP) in 2005.
Key figures of the IAP who co-founded CAIR include Nihad Awad who was IAP Director of Public Relations, Rafeeq Jaber, who was an IAP President while also acting as CAIR Treasurer and Board Member, and Omar Ahmad who was the founding IAP President and Chairman of CAIR’s Board. IAP and CAIR were both named unindicted co-conspirators. Despite the convictions, CAIR remains active, led by Awad, raising alarms about the ongoing influence of Hamas-linked networks in America.
On 10/7, Nihad Awad stated, “The people of Gaza only decided to break the siege — the walls of the concentration camp — on October 7. And yes, I was happy to see people breaking the siege and throwing down the shackles of their own land and walk free into their land that they were not allowed to walk in…And yes, the people of Gaza have the right to self-defense, have the right to defend themselves, and yes, Israel, as an occupying power, does not have that right to self-defense.”
Senior Hamas Official and Spokesman Sami Abu Zuhri recently stated, “This is a dream come true. Today, the number of Muslims is multiplying because of what is happening in Gaza.”
Hamas’s claim to Israel as an Islamic Waqf—a sacred endowment consecrated for Muslims until Judgment Day—stems from its 1988 charter, which asserts that Palestine, encompassing all of modern Israel, Gaza, and the West Bank, is inalienable Muslim land due to its historical control by Islamic rulers, including the Ottoman Empire (1517–1917). This claim, rooted in Islamic legal tradition, holds that such lands cannot be ceded to non-Muslims. Hamas’s leadership, including figures like Khaled Mashaal, has historically rejected any compromise, insisting on liberating “every inch” of Palestine.
Hamas will never agree to a two-state solution in Israel, and the Brotherhood of North America will never cede Islamic-owned properties and cities to non-Muslims—they’re playing for keeps, and we better ACT NOW to stop this Brotherhood network now!
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