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May 15, 2025

 
 

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FEATURE

Climate Displacement Can Permanently Hamper Children’s Education and Imperil Future Prospects

By Aishwarya G. Rai

Children and youth who are displaced by climate events face unique barriers to accessing and completing school. 

Children comprise a disproportionately large share of the world’s forcibly displaced people, and even temporary displacement can have permanent ramifications for their education, livelihood prospects, and well-being.

This article explores the connections between climate change, mobility, and education.

 
A student at a school in Yemen attended by many displaced children.
 
 

SPOTLIGHT

Guatemalan Immigrants in the United States

By Diego Chaves-González, Esther Jiménez Atochero, and Jeanne Batalova

Guatemalans account for about 3 percent of all immigrants in the United States, but the money that they and others send back to loved ones in Guatemala as remittances forms a pillar of the country's economy.

Compared to other immigrants in the United States, Guatemalans tend to be younger, are more likely to be in the labor force, and likely earn lower incomes.

This article provides a wealth of data to understand this understand this immigrant group.

 
A man carrying the flag of Guatemala in a parade in Washington, DC.
 
 

ARTÍCULO DE ENFOQUE

Inmigrantes guatemaltecos en Estados Unidos

Por Diego Chaves-González, Esther Jiménez Atochero y Jeanne Batalova

Los guatemaltecos representan alrededor del 3 por ciento de todos los inmigrantes en Estados Unidos, pero el dinero que ellos y otros envían a sus seres queridos en Guatemala en forma de remesas constituye un pilar de la economía del país.

Este artículo ofrece abundantes datos para entender a este grupo de inmigrantes.

 
Un hombre portando la bandera de Guatemala en un desfile en Washington, DC.
 
EDITOR'S NOTE

How much does it cost to remove unauthorized immigrants?

Lawmakers in the United States are contemplating $140 billion for U.S. immigration enforcement in part to finance President Donald Trump’s promise of mass deportation, which the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) estimates costs $17,121 per individual. Beyond this record level of immigration funding sought (by comparison, the U.S. government spent $187 billion on federal immigration enforcement between 1986 and 2012), the administration has proposed a complement: Pay people to leave on their own. DHS has said it will give $1,000 to unauthorized immigrants who declare they have “self-deported” through the government’s former CBP One app, now rebranded CBP Home.

The “pay-to-go” concept is not a new one, though often it is focused on lawfully present migrants. But if prior experiences in Europe and elsewhere offer any indication, the United States might need to open its checkbook wider and manage its expectations. Historically, these programs have been tapped by only small numbers of immigrants.

Sweden currently offers “repatriation assistance” of 10,000 kronor (about $1,000) per adult who returns to their origin country, with a cap of 40,000 kronor (a little over $4,000) for families. Only about 70 applications for repatriation assistance were approved in 2023, primarily to refugees and their families. As the government seeks to increase departures, the payment will rise dramatically to 350,000 kronor (about $36,000) per adult next year, with a cap of 600,000 ($62,000) per family. This payment hike is going ahead despite a government inquiry concluding that doing so would increase voluntary returns by only about 700 people and would be a net drain on government coffers for 15 years (though it would yield savings afterwards).

Sweden’s system is based on a model in Denmark, which offers money to people whose asylum applications have been refused or who retract their protection requests. Denmark offers up to 40,000 kroner (about $6,000) in total support; in the past, it had offered Syrians as much as 175,000 kroner (about $26,000).

The United Kingdom, meanwhile, offers up to 3,000 pounds (nearly $4,000) to unsuccessful asylum seekers and other migrants who leave. Among the recipients are a handful of individuals who relocated to Rwanda, after London canceled its controversial proposal to force even successful asylum seekers to move to the East African country.

The pay-to-go history extends back decades. These programs were popular in the immediate aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis, when countries including Czechia, Japan, and Spain offered money to encourage the return of unemployed, legally present immigrants in order to reduce pressures on their recession-afflicted labor markets.

The number of returns under these recession-era pay-to-go programs was likewise minimal. Spain, which offered returnees their full unemployment benefits delivered in a lump sum, predicted in 2008 that as many as 87,000 immigrants would take the government up on its offer; only 17,000 had done so by 2011. The problem, in many cases, was that economic conditions in returnees’ origin countries were even more dire.

Still, the approach’s alluring simplicity is one reason it has remained popular as a policy option. It remains to be seen whether the U.S. experience will turn out differently and significant numbers will agree to be paid to leave.

All the best,

Julian Hattem
Editor, Migration Information Source
[email protected]

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DID YOU KNOW?

"The Gulf region’s reforms are very selectively targeted and the largest benefits have fallen to foreign investors and white-collar workers, leaving behind those with lower skill levels who often come from countries in South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa."

 

"Children of the newest, least acculturated immigrants in the U.S. tend to have the highest obesity rates."

 

"As several Southeastern European countries have joined the European Union and the Western Balkans begin to work toward accession, the region will continue to face sharp emigration in the years to come."

 

MEDIA CORNER

Journalist Patrick Strickland’s You Can Kill Each Other After I Leave: Refugees, Fascism, and Bloodshed in Greece offers on-the-ground reporting on the rise of Greece’s far right amid the 2015-16 migration and refugee crisis.

In Detained: A Boy's Journal of Survival and Resilience, D. Esperanza and Gerardo Iván Morales provide a firsthand account of Esperanza’s experience migrating irregularly as a 13-year-old from Honduras to the United States and his months in U.S. detention.

Abigail Young’s Chinese Diaspora Politics in Australia: Transnational Repression and Social Governance charts the growth and evolution of this diaspora.

Bangkok after Dark: Maurice Rocco, Transnational Nightlife, and the Making of Cold War Intimacies, by Benjamin Tausig, traces how interactions between Americans and Thais during the Vietnam War helped remake Thai culture.

Insights on the pandemic’s impact on African borderlands are compiled in COVID-19 and African Borders in Transition, edited by Samuel Kehinde Okunade, Leon Mwamba Tshimpaka, and Willie Eselebor.

Activist and MacArthur Foundation “genius” award recipient Cristina Jiménez tells her story of growing up as an unauthorized Ecuadorian immigrant in the United States in Dreaming of Home: How We Turn Fear into Pride, Power, and Real Change.

 

The Migration Information Source is a publication of the Migration Policy Institute, a nonpartisan, nonprofit think tank in Washington, DC, and is dedicated to providing fresh thought, authoritative data, and global analysis of international migration and refugee trends.

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