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Week of May 5, 2025 | Iran Unfiltered is a digest tracking Iranian politics & society by the National Iranian American Council
Both the U.S. and Iran have signaled that a fourth round of nuclear negotiations will be held in Muscat, Oman on Sunday, May 11. A fourth round of talks between the U.S. and Iran was originally scheduled for May 3 in Rome, but was apparently postponed “for logistical reasons.” However, some statements from both Iran and the U.S. had pointed to tension in the negotiations, with the timing surrounding the fourth round unclear until May 9.
Abbas Araghchi, speaking with a reporter, laid out Iran’s approach toward the negotiations in spite of occasionally harsh rhetoric from the Trump administration that appears in contradiction to Iran’s red lines in the negotiations. According to Araghchi, “Our position is principled and based on a solid foundation, which is why it does not change. We are moving forward along a well-defined and principled path. However, from the other side, we continue to receive contradictory messages. Different officials make conflicting statements, and at times, even the same person contradicts themselves within a day or two.”
“This creates difficulties in the process. Some believe this inconsistency is due to the transition to a new administration in the United States — that they have not yet settled in or clearly defined their positions,” asserted Araghchi. “Others see it as a negotiation tactic or maneuver. From our perspective, the reason doesn’t matter. What matters is that we remain committed to our path. Our stance is clear, and we stand firmly by it. Wherever the interests of the Iranian people are served, we move forward. Wherever they are not, we stand our ground. We are not distracted by these mixed signals — we stay focused on our direction.
Araghchi will visit both Saudi Arabia and Qatar on Saturday, which will precede both the fourth round of negotiations in Oman and President Trump’s trip to those two nations and the United Arab Emirates starting on May 13-16. Following a brief lull in the nuclear negotiations, U.S.-Iranian communication and coordination appears likely to intensify.
Iran’s Foreign Ministry has criticized what it calls Washington’s “contradictory” stance on ongoing nuclear negotiations while affirming its own commitment to diplomacy and readiness to resume talks. In an NBC interview published May 4, President Trump asserted that the goal of negotiations is the “total dismantlement” of Iran’s nuclear program. Trump had been prompted by the interviewer to choose between “total dismantlement” or “limiting Iran’s nuclear program.” Though, perhaps in contradiction, he left open the possibility of a deal permitting Iran a form of peaceful nuclear energy.
In an interview with Breitbart News published May 9, Trump adviser and Special Envoy to the Middle East Steve Witkoff strongly defended the administration’s approach to Iran, saying, “The best way to respond to criticism is to do good things. I actually believe—I’m very loyal to the president but I actually believe in his policy. I really do. I believe in his policy of attempting to settle the Iranian conflict through dialogue. First of all, that’s a more permanent solution to that crisis than any other alternative. That would physically change exactly how Iran was approaching a nuclear program.
Diving into the hotly contested issue of the administration’s stance toward Iranian enrichment, Witkoff continued, stating “If we get them to voluntarily shift away from an enrichment program where they can enrich to not have centrifuges, to not have material that can be enriched to weapons-grade levels 90 percent, if we can get them to voluntarily do that that is the most permanent way to make sure that they never get a weapon. So his prescription for the solution there is the best prescription so hopefully that is something they want to do because as he says the alternative is not a great alternative for them.”
Witkoff also criticized hardliners in Washington, saying, “I say it’s confirmation bias. They believe, they have a bias toward military interaction. So in their minds anything that is of a military nature to be a solution to that problem, they have a bias towards that. They give no consideration whatsoever on what the consequences are on that. You hear this all the time, you hear people say ‘no, no we have to go treat that person with force. The Iranians are going to manipulate you in a dialogue and so you’re not going to be effective there.’ They may attempt to manipulate me. I don’t think they’re going to be able to manipulate me.”
“In that particular example, if the Iranians make the mistake of thinking they can procrastinate at the table then they won’t see that much of me and the alternative as the president says will be a bad alternative for them,” Witkoff asserted. “But you’re right: The Neocon element believes that war is the only way to solve things. The president believes that his force of personality, the way he is going to respond to certain situations, can bend people to do things in a better way in the interests of the United States government. I believe in that too.”
Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi addressed the U.S. negotiating position in a post on his X account, stating “If the goal is ‘The only thing they can’t have is a nuclear weapon’ as President Trump just said, a deal is achievable and there is only ONE PATH to achieve it: DIPLOMACY based on MUTUAL RESPECT and MUTUAL INTERESTS.” Then, in a pointed reference to Trump’s “America First” slogan, labeled Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s supporters in the United States as the “Netanyahu-First minority” and added: “The world should pay attention as it reveals its true priority.”
Likewise, Iranian spokesperson Baqaei responded that, if America’s insistence on preventing Iran from acquiring a bomb were sincere, “many issues could be resolved, because we have already declared—and demonstrated—that we are not seeking to militarize our nuclear program.”
Over the past month, Iranian and U.S. diplomats have conducted three rounds of talks, even as the U.S. imposed new sanctions on Iran. Tehran has condemned those measures and accused Washington of sending mixed signals, with Baqaei warning that “issuing these conflicting messages from U.S. officials is not helpful.”
In addition to the postponement of U.S.-Iran negotiations, a separate senior-level session with Britain, France, and Germany was also shelved when Iran’s delegation did not travel to Italy. However, EU foreign-policy chief Kaja Kallas held a phone call with Iran’s foreign minister Abbas Araghchi where she reaffirmed the European Union’s support for diplomacy on Iran’s nuclear dossier and efforts to de-escalate regional tensions. According to her readout, Kallas urged Tehran to end its military backing of Russia, raised concerns about detained EU citizens and human-rights issues, and stressed that progress in EU–Iran relations hinges on advancements across all these areas.
Regional tensions have also sharply risen. On May 4, Houthi forces in Yemen fired a ballistic missile at Israel, striking within the grounds of Ben Gurion Airport – the nation’s primary airport for international travel. Six individuals were treated for minor injuries after the blast, which reportedly struck an access road near a terminal and several hundred yards from the airport control tower. Flights were delayed for roughly an hour, though many international airlines announced a suspension of flights.
Houthi leaders touted the strike, claiming it “proves our ability to strike fortified sites inside Israel.” Israeli media noted that efforts to intercept the missile through its arrow air defense system and the U.S. operated THAAD system had failed. The failure is notable, as prior Iranian volleys amid hostilities last year sought to overwhelm Israel’s missile systems and led to strikes within military bases, despite many interceptions. A single Houthi missile penetrating Israel’s missile defense systems raises questions about Israel’s vulnerability moving forward amid heightened regional tensions.
However, on May 9, reports indicate that the Houthis fired another ballistic missile at Israel, which was shot down by Israel’s arrow air defense system. The U.S.-operated THAAD system also sought to shoot down the missile, but missed, per reports.
After the May 4 strike, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu labeled Iran the “terrorist master” of the Houthis and vowed retaliation “at a time and place of our choosing.” Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz threatened that Iran would face the same fate as Hamas in Gaza. “The proxy system has collapsed. The axis of evil is falling apart,” he declared. “We will do to Tehran what we did in Beirut, Gaza, and Damascus.” Following retaliatory Israeli airstrikes on Yemen, including the port of Hodeidah and Sanaa Airport, damage at the airport was estimated at $500 million according to Yemeni officials.
Iranian officials stressed the Houthis’ independence and warned of a forceful response to any aggression. Spokesperson Baqaei called the Houthi strike on May 4 “independent” and vowed that Iran’s armed forces would answer “any act of aggression with the utmost severity.” Likewise, Iran’s defense minister similarly declared, “If the Islamic Republic of Iran is attacked or a war is imposed on us, we will respond with power.” Air Force Commander Amir Nasirzadeh went further, stating that if the U.S. or Israel strikes Iran, “the Islamic Republic will target their interests, bases, and forces wherever and whenever necessary.” In a strongly worded statement, IRGC Commander Hossein Salami accused Israel of trying to drag the United States into an “endless war” in the Middle East. He warned American officials not to fall for Netanyahu’s provocations, citing the bitter legacy of past U.S. military interventions.
Salami issued a severe threat, saying, “If our enemies make a wrong move, we will open the gates of hell upon them.” Referring to the Houthi missile strike on Ben Gurion Airport, he added, “If you couldn’t tolerate one missile from the heroic Ansar Allah of Yemen, how will you withstand hundreds or thousands?”
Notably, U.S. President Donald Trump announced a ceasefire with the Houthis following the May 4 strike, which was not communicated to Israel in advance even as Israel was in the midst of ongoing hostilities in Yemen. President Trump stated that the Houthis had told him they wanted to end the war, with an agreement emerging wherein the U.S. halts bombing of Yemen that had been ongoing for two months, while the Houthis commit to stop targeting ships. However, a senior Houthi official later clarified that the ceasefire applied only to American interests, and that attacks on Israel would continue.
The decision to strike a bilateral ceasefire with the Houthis while effectively keeping Israel in the dark signals independence of American policy and comes amid quiet signs of tension between Israel’s leadership and the Trump administration. The Washington Post reported this week that part of the reason for Michael Waltz’s demotion from the National Security Adviser position was Waltz’s “intense coordination” with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on military options against Iran ahead of Netanyahu’s visit to Washington in February. Netanyahu also reportedly pressed Trump for joint U.S.-Israeli strikes on Iran in April as well, but was rejected by the President who preferred to test negotiations first. Whether the fourth round of nuclear negotiations makes progress toward a new deal could go a long way toward determining whether Netanyahu’s war plans will be kept on ice, or put into motion in the weeks and months to come.
As U.S. President Donald Trump prepares for his upcoming trip to Saudi Arabia, he has hinted at bringing “good news for the Middle East.” However, according to some Arab sources and unofficial media reports, this “good news” may include a provocative announcement: the U.S. government officially renaming the historically and internationally recognized Persian Gulf to the “Arabian Gulf.”
Although this has not been officially confirmed, the mere rumor of such a move has sparked one of the largest waves of Iranian national solidarity in recent years. The possibility of Trump endorsing this change has ignited widespread outrage, fierce reactions, and serious warnings from Iranians around the world. Social media has erupted in response, with hashtags like #PersianGulf and #خلیج_فارس trending globally as users voice their anger at what many view as a deliberate provocation.
For Iranians, “Persian Gulf” is far more than a geographic term—it symbolizes national identity, cultural heritage, and historical truth. From Darius the Great’s inscriptions to medieval maps, from Greek maritime texts to official British and Portuguese documents, the name “Persian Gulf” has stood the test of time. Any effort to change it is seen not only as an insult to Iran, but as an attack on historical fact and global memory.
Remarkably, this issue has managed to unite Iranians across the political spectrum. From dissident opposition groups with sharply divergent agendas, to reformists, and even hardliners within Iran’s government, all have expressed unified opposition to any attempt to rename the Persian Gulf. This rare moment of national consensus reflects the deep cultural and emotional resonance of the issue for Iranians of all backgrounds.
The rumor has also prompted swift reaction from Iranian officials. Deputy Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi strongly criticized the reported plan, citing a story from the Associated Press. In a post on the social platform X (formerly Twitter), he wrote:
“We hope these absurd rumors about renaming the Persian Gulf are nothing more than a disinformation campaign by the usual warmongers, aiming to provoke and anger Iranians around the world.”
Former Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif also tweeted:
“The talk of using a fabricated name for the Persian Gulf outrages every patriotic Iranian, regardless of political stance. We will show the world—and those in the White House—that Iranians stand united against this short-sighted provocation. Tomorrow might be too late for this national unity…”
The Iranian government’s spokesperson issued a statement as well:
“The Persian Gulf is not merely a geographic term—it is part of the Iranian nation’s historical identity. Those seeking to rename it clearly do not understand Iran’s millennia-old history. These futile efforts don’t provoke us—they only expose your lack of credibility.”
The backlash has also reached the halls of the U.S. Congress. Iranian-American Congresswoman Yassamin Ansari responded on X to the speculation:
“The name ‘Persian Gulf’ has been officially recognized for centuries in international documents and world maps. Any attempt to change that name, regardless of political motivations, is doomed to fail.”
She added:
“Donald Trump would be better off focusing on his actual responsibilities, rather than redrawing historical borders and renaming ancient seas.”
The controversy over Iran’s mandatory hijab has reached another peak. Last week, hard-line authorities began sending unsolicited SMS warnings to women—and sometimes to their husbands, fathers, and brothers—threatening punishment for any failure to comply with the dress code. Simultaneously, the Pezeshkian administrationparliament quietly rescinded its draft “Violence Against Women” bill in order to replace it with a fresh “Chastity and Hijab” proposal, signaling a major pivot in legislative priorities.
The Women’s Security Bill—also referred to as the Bill to Combat Violence Against Women or the Bill to Prevent Violence Against Women in Iran—was introduced to Parliament in 2017 during President Hassan Rouhani’s administration. The bill aimed to protect women’s lives, prevent forced marriages of girls under the age of 18, and provide safe shelters for women and girls at risk of violence. However, Parliament stalled the bill for years and eventually made extensive changes that significantly altered its original purpose. As a result, the latest version no longer fulfilled the bill’s initial goals. Government spokesperson Fatemeh Mohajerani asserted that, even as the hijab proposal advances, the administration remains committed to effective, women-centered violence prevention.
At the Assembly of Experts’ opening session, President Masoud Pezeshkian—addressing an entirely clerical body—cautioned against heavy-handed enforcement: “If you seek to guide, your methods must never set me against you.” Almost immediately, Assembly chairman Mohammad-Ali Movahedi-Kermani took up the hijab issue himself, arguing that “veiled citizens” should be rewarded—through measures like tax deductions and traffic-fine waivers—to foster broader compliance.
That proposal was quickly criticized by political activist Ahmad Zeidabadi, who argued that turning a sacred duty into a transactional reward “cheapens its spiritual value—no more than offering tax cuts for prayer or fasting would.” He also highlighted the contradiction of pardoning “offenses” like traffic violations in the name of promoting a “virtue.”
Mohajerani confirmed that a new “Chastity and Hijab” bill is under preparation. She explained the withdrawal of the previous Violence Against Women legislation by saying, “Our primary goal was protecting women from violence, and the text under review conflicted with that aim—so we decided last week to retract it.”
Observers warn that a frustrated hard-line faction—stymied by the stalled Hijab and Chastity Law—is resorting to extra-legal measures, using its influence to enforce the suspended code. Aware of growing public discontent, these actors appear eager to stoke further anger toward the current administration. The unsolicited SMS campaign, in particular, drew ire from activists and journalists. Abdullah Ramezan-zadeh, a former government spokesman, publicly challenged whether the Headquarters for Promoting Virtue and Preventing Vice has any legal right to citizens’ personal data—and if not, which agency is responsible for safeguarding that information.
On the ground, Tehran’s metro system has begun installing some 15,000 new, high-performance surveillance cameras—at ticket gates, women’s platforms, and alongside existing units—to monitor dress-code compliance. Experts estimate each camera costs around $500, meaning roughly 600 billion tomans at today’s exchange rate, not counting installation, data-processing hardware, and AI-driven monitoring.
Finally, sociologist-journalist Abbas Abdi has urged a route that would align laws with public opinion: he called for a nationwide survey in which citizens rate a ten-point spectrum of attire—from no headscarf to full nudity—and indicate which styles should be permitted or criminalized. Abdi insists that only when 65–70 percent of respondents deem a style “unambiguously criminal” it should be outlawed, and he recommends commissioning three independent research institutes to conduct the survey simultaneously across all provinces and to recognize the results as the true “people’s will.”
The death of Shiva Arastouei, the prominent Iranian writer and poet, at the age of 64 has sparked a wave of sorrow across Persian-language social media, especially among fellow writers, poets, and artists. Her son confirmed the news in a post on her Instagram account. The cause of death has not been officially announced.
On Wednesday, May 7, a message was posted to Arastouei’s official Instagram page, reading:
“I’m Shiva’s son. She’s gone. Truly gone. Please don’t ask any questions. I’ll announce the date of the burial and farewell ceremony here.”
Although the cause of death was not formally disclosed, in an earlier version of the Instagram post — which was later deleted — her son described her death as “by choice,” suggesting suicide. This reference was subsequently removed, but it left readers grappling with a deeper sense of shock and grief.
Shiva Arastouei was a longtime literature instructor at the Cinema and Theater Faculty of Tehran University of Art, and in recent years had been running literary workshops and engaging in literary criticism. She was a member of the Iranian Writers’ Association and one of the 134 signatories of a 1994 open letter condemning censorship and the repressive cultural climate in Iran. Some signatories later retracted their support, but the letter, and subsequent efforts to revive the Association, were widely seen as contributing to the government’s targeting of intellectuals in the years that followed.
In 2015, security authorities removed Arastouei’s book Me, Simin, and Mostafa from Tehran’s International Book Fair, despite it having received official publication permits. Among her published works are several acclaimed story collections including I Came to Have Tea with My Daughter, Sun and Moon, and I Am Not a Girl, as well as novels such as Bibi Shahrzad, Opium, I Became Beautiful When I Saw Him, First Draft, The Sky Is Not Empty, Nina, Khouf, and But Madly.
She also published two poetry collections: Lost and Let’s End This. Arastouei won both the Yalda Literary Award and the Golshiri Prize in 2003 for her short story collection Sun and Moon. She appeared in several short films, including The Day Breaks directed by Parviz Jahed.
A recurring theme in Arastouei’s literary work was the challenges faced by women in Iranian society. In an interview, she once remarked, “Being a woman in Iran is a problem, a condition.” In her view, “Being human in this society is difficult — being a woman is even harder. That’s a truth we can’t deny.”
She was born in May 1961 in Tehran. In her twenties, she volunteered as a wartime medic during the Iran-Iraq War — an experience that deeply influenced her outlook and work. Friends and colleagues remembered her as passionate, honest, and committed to literary truth, even when it came at a personal cost.
In emotional tributes shared online, many noted her fearless engagement with themes of loss, censorship, and womanhood in Iran. Former husband Bijan Safdari described her as the living embodiment of one of her own stories, writing: “You enacted the story of Let’s End This. We’re not yet able to read that story.”
The National Iranian American Council (NIAC) mourns the passing of Shiva Arastouei, a powerful voice of literary resistance and reflection. Her commitment to truth, her exploration of identity and womanhood, and her bravery in confronting censorship made her one of the most compelling literary figures of her generation. NIAC extends its deepest condolences to her family, her friends, and all those who found meaning and solace in her words. May her memory, her struggle, and her words live on.
Over the past two days, a string of major fires has struck critical industrial and energy facilities across Iran, raising concerns that these incidents may be linked to acts of sabotage. They follow closely on the heels of a massive explosion at Shahid Rajaee port in Bandar Abbas on April 26, which killed at least Fifty Seven individuals and injured more than 1,000 at one of Iran’s most heavily-utilized ports. With the resumption of nuclear negotiations happening essentially simultaneously with the explosion, many speculated that the explosion could have been triggered by an attack by Israel or other external actors. However, initial signs point to an accident as the source of the explosion.
These latest series of incidents across Iran have likewise heightened fears, though no concrete evidence has emerged to suggest sabotage is in play. Late on Saturday, May 3, firefighters in Fardis – just south of Karaj – raced to contain a blaze that erupted in a waste-storage container adjacent to the Ghaem power plant. According to Fire Department chief Hossein Ashouri, gusting winds drove the flames across roughly two thousand square meters of scrap heap, prompting the dispatch of nine additional heavy-rescue vehicles. Despite the intensity of the fire, the power plant itself suffered no damage.
That same night, approximately fifty kilometers to the southwest in Nazarabad, a cardboard-pressing unit at a recycling yard ignited and quickly spread to a dozen neighboring units. Fire crews from Karaj, Eshtehard, and Abyek worked through the night to extinguish the flames.
Early on Sunday morning, May 4, emergency teams responded to a serious fire at an industrial facility in Qom’s Mahmoudabad Industrial Town. Two workers sustained full-body burns and were rushed to the hospital after receiving first aid at the scene. Later that evening in Mashhad, a massive inferno engulfed a four-thousand-square-meter warehouse at a motorcycle-manufacturing plant, destroying large quantities of tires and cardboard and producing smoke visible from miles away; firefighters have since largely contained the blaze, although two employees suffered burns covering 40–50 percent of their bodies and a third sustained minor injuries.
The coincidence of these simultaneous accidents has fueled speculation that they were deliberate rather than coincidental. To date, neither Iranian nor Israeli officials have confirmed any foul play. However, observers note that Israel has been vocally opposed to the ongoing Iran–U.S. negotiations, leading some analysts to suggest these incidents could be intended to undermine the diplomatic process.
The Tehran Electricity Distribution Company announced that starting Monday, May 5, 2025, rolling blackouts will begin in the capital, Tehran. This follows weeks of frequent, unannounced power cuts in surrounding towns and cities across Tehran Province, which have already caused major disruptions in residents’ daily lives. Until recently, the company had remained silent, only issuing a formal statement after public criticism and frustration mounted.
In its announcement, the company urged citizens to maximize energy conservation to support equitable energy distribution. However, critics argue that the crisis stems not from public overuse but from years of mismanagement and a structurally flawed energy distribution system.
According to official data, the blackout quota for Tehran is 50 megawatts, mostly affecting small industries. In contrast, 200 megawatts of power cuts have been imposed on the rest of the province—impacting homes, agriculture, and various sectors. Observers say this fourfold disparity, without regard to population or local needs, reflects a deep structural bias in energy management.
This year, for the first time, the country faced a power shortage as early as mid-April, with blackouts hitting residential areas in the first month of the year. It was initially expected that these outages would last one to two weeks, and that the Ministry of Energy would stabilize the grid. However, in an unexpected turn, both planned and unplanned blackouts have persisted and are now merging into the broader seasonal outages expected during the summer months.
For example on May 5, residents from northern villages of Shemiranat to western cities such as Shahriar reported power cuts ranging from two to four hours, most of them unannounced or poorly coordinated with the official schedule. These extended outages have also affected water supply in areas reliant on electric pumping systems. For instance, in Sabashahr, a town in Shahriar, electricity failure at local wells led to a drinking water outage lasting over four hours.
In Shemiranat, while a two-hour midday power cut had been announced, the outage extended well beyond four hours. Citizens reported that emergency hotlines, such as 121, were unresponsive, adding to public frustration. The greatest source of anger appears to be the lack of notice and the inconsistency between published schedules and the actual timing of blackouts.
Power outages have become an almost routine occurrence in Iran in recent years, frequently disrupting daily life. However, the fact that they began so early this year—in only the second month of spring—has raised concerns, especially given that the country has yet to enter the peak summer season when electricity demand traditionally surges.
Fatemeh Mohajerani, spokesperson for President Masoud Pezeshkian’s administration, stated on Tuesday that the country faces “multiple imbalances” and that the government needs time to resolve them. However, she did not say how much time is required or how the administration plans to address the country’s growing energy deficit. With electricity demand increasing by around seven percent annually—roughly 5,000 megawatts—many remain skeptical about the government’s ability to keep pace.
Meanwhile, reports of water outages continue to emerge. In addition to scheduled blackouts, many residents have experienced sudden, unannounced electricity cuts that have triggered extended water shortages. This means that people often face water deprivation not only during planned restrictions but also when the power supply fails unexpectedly.
In Varamin and nearby towns like Qarchak and Pishva, residents have reported water outages lasting 10 to 14 hours in recent days. These hardships have not been reported in central Tehran, suggesting a stark disparity in infrastructure planning and emergency response. While residents in the capital remain relatively unaffected, those in the provinces continue to bear the brunt of both water and electricity shortages—without adequate communication or support.
Five Iranian nationals have been arrested in the UK on suspicion of planning a terrorist attack, reportedly targeting the Israeli embassy in London. Initial reports suggested that the embassy in Kensington may have been the intended target, though police have not officially confirmed this detail. The incident is part of one of the largest recent counter-terrorism operations in the UK, during which eight individuals were detained—seven of whom are Iranian.
Dominic Murphy, head of London’s Counter-Terrorism Command, stated that the investigation is moving swiftly, but due to operational sensitivities, further information cannot yet be released. According to police statements, the five suspects—two aged 29, and others aged 24, 40, and 46—were arrested on May 3 in various cities including Swindon, West London, Stockport, Rochdale, and Manchester. They are accused of planning an attack on a “specific location.”
In response, Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi firmly denied Iran’s involvement. In a post on X (formerly Twitter), he wrote: “Iran categorically and unequivocally denies any involvement in such actions. We have received no official diplomatic communication regarding these accusations.”
Araghchi also called on British authorities to engage in constructive cooperation, stating: “The timing and lack of interaction suggest that something is not right.” He continued, “Iran is ready to engage transparently to clarify the facts and urges the UK to ensure due process for its citizens.”
Four of the five men remain in custody under anti-terrorism laws. The fifth has been released on bail pending a court appearance later in May. Authorities have searched properties across Greater Manchester, London, and Swindon as part of the investigation.
Robin Simcox, the UK’s Commissioner for Countering Extremism, commented that targeting a foreign embassy in Britain is highly unusual. He warned that Iranian influence efforts in the UK may have been underestimated, extending beyond security threats to include religious centers, media outlets, charities, educational institutions, and coordinated disinformation campaigns—many aligned with Tehran’s objectives. “These operations are often less visible,” Simcox asserted. “Iran’s activities are increasingly covert, calculated, and strategic.”
On the same day, three additional Iranian nationals were arrested under the UK’s 2023 National Security Act in a separate case. They are suspected of acting in support of threats posed by foreign governments.
UK Home Secretary Yvette Cooper described the events as one of the most significant counter-terrorism operations in recent years. She confirmed that Iranian nationals are central to both investigations and emphasized the government’s support for police and intelligence services.
The arrests come amid growing concern over Iranian government activity inside the UK. In March, Iran became the first country placed under the UK’s new Foreign Influence Registration Scheme, designed to counter covert interference by foreign states.
Later this year, individuals acting on behalf of Iranian intelligence or the IRGC will be legally required to register their activities or face prison time. MI5 Director General Ken McCallum previously stated that Iran and Russia have orchestrated assassination and sabotage plots in the UK. He asserted that MI5 had thwarted 20 Iranian operations on British soil over the past two years—allegations that Iran has strongly denied.
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