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Week of April 28, 2025 [[link removed]] | Iran Unfiltered is a digest tracking Iranian politics & society by the National Iranian American Council
* Explosion at Shahid Rajaee Port: Accident, Sabotage, or Strategic Incident? [[link removed]]
* Mixed Signals as Iran–U.S. Negotiations Delayed [[link removed]]
* Iran and U.S. Negotiators Report Progress After Third Round of Talks in Muscat [[link removed]]
* SMS Hijab Policing Escalates in Iran: From Street Warnings to Family Alerts [[link removed]]
* Iran’s President Pezeshkian Visits Azerbaijan Amid Efforts to Revive Ties [[link removed]]
* Iran Executes Mohsen Langar-Neshin on Espionage Charges [[link removed]]
Explosion at Shahid Rajaee Port: Accident, Sabotage, or Strategic Incident? [[link removed]]
On April 26, 2025, a massive explosion rocked Shahid Rajaee Port in Bandar Abbas, Iran’s largest container terminal and a key hub for the country’s trade . The blast, which generated an enormous cloud of smoke visible as far away as Qeshm Island, has left at least 65 people dead and more than 1,240 injured, according to the Iranian Red Crescent. Rescue efforts remain underway, with several victims still missing and the authorities cautioning that the final death toll may rise as DNA tests are conducted on severely burned remains.
The explosion erupted shortly after 12:04 p.m. local time, reportedly beginning with a small fire in a container area operated by the Sina Terminal Company . Witnesses described how the flames, intensified by extreme 40°C temperatures and the presence of flammable chemicals, rapidly triggered a series of four powerful explosions. The shockwaves shattered windows over two kilometers away, prompting the evacuation of large sections of the port.
Authorities have identified the source of the blast as a stockpile of dangerous chemicals improperly declared as “ordinary goods .” Saeed Jafari, CEO of the Sina Terminal Company, stated that the scale and force of the explosion indicated the presence of highly volatile materials which, under international regulations, should have been clearly labeled and handled with strict safety protocols. The Iranian Customs Administration confirmed that all shipments to Shahid Rajaee Port were temporarily suspended following the disaster.
However, while Iranian officials largely framed the incident as a result of negligence, alternative theories quickly surfaced . The timing of the explosion, occurring almost simultaneously with a new round of indirect nuclear negotiations between Iran and the United States in Oman, has fueled speculation of deliberate sabotage.
Adding to speculation was a report that Iran had recently received shipments of sodium perchlorate from China — a chemical used in solid-fuel missile production . The New York Times cited sources indicating that improper handling of this material could have been involved in the explosion. Meanwhile, maritime security company Ambrey noted the possibility that mishandling of missile-related chemicals could have triggered the blast. Iranian officials maintain that no military shipments were stored in the affected area, accusing hostile foreign media of attempting to politicize the disaster.
Speculation intensified when Israeli media reported that some Iranian officials suspected Israeli involvement . However, Channel 12 quoted a senior Israeli official flatly denying any role in the incident. Israel had previously been linked to cyberattacks against Shahid Rajaee Port in 2020, causing temporary chaos in its operations. Likewise, immediately following the start of nuclear negotiations between the Biden administration and Iran in 2021, Israel sabotaged Iran’s Natanz enrichment facility, heightening tensions and prompting Iran to enrich uranium to the 60% threshold – just below weapons grade – for the first time.
Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei instructed security and judicial authorities to investigate the possibility of either negligence or deliberate sabotage, ordering that any culprits be identified and prosecuted . Parliamentary committees on national security, infrastructure, and health have launched their own probes, with early findings suggesting serious negligence but not ruling out foul play.
ISNA, citing Iranian Customs officials, reported on Monday that the imported cargo that exploded and caught fire at Shahid Rajaee Port on Saturday had not been declared to Customs and did not possess a registration number or formal customs declaration . The vessel and its cargo, therefore, were not under Customs’ control.
Typically, any shipment entering the port must first submit a manifest (cargo information) to the port authorities . Following that, the owner of the goods is required to file a formal declaration with Customs, initiating the customs clearance process with the issuance of an eight-digit registration code. However, in this case, no such procedures were completed for the vessel or its cargo. No public information has yet been released regarding the origin, arrival time, nature of the materials, or identity of the vessel involved in the incident.
Morteza Mahmoudi, a member of the parliamentary team sent to Bandar Abbas on a fact-finding mission, stated that there had been false declarations during the transfer of cargo and containers at Shahid Rajaee Port, where dangerous materials were moved into storage areas designated for non-hazardous goods . He added that the matter is currently under investigation by security, law enforcement, and judicial authorities.
Separately, Iranian MP Mohammad Seraj has asserted that the blast was “by no means accidental,” claiming explosives had been pre-planted in multiple containers and suggesting that the attack was meticulously timed to maximize disruption . However, other Iranian authorities have not backed this claim. If the attack is deemed an act of deliberate sabotage, the high civilian death and injury toll would likely cause Iran’s leaders to treat it as terrorism and consider their own options for reprisal. However, if an accident, such a tragedy would reflect very poorly on Iran’s standards for handling hazardous materials.
While the explosion has devastated a portion of Shahid Rajaee Port, Iranian officials stressed that operations across the vast majority of the facility are continuing following the temporary suspension . Farzaneh Sadeq, Iran’s Minister of Roads and Urban Development, stated during a visit to the site that the port covers more than two thousand hectares and is divided into fourteen zones. She clarified that the incident occurred in only one zone and emphasized that container and fuel operations in other sections remain unaffected. Ms. Sadeq noted that firefighting efforts were being coordinated by military, law enforcement, and emergency response units, and reported that the fire was progressively being contained.
The scale of the explosion and the disruption at Shahid Rajaee Port have underscored the port’s strategic importance . Accounting for approximately 80 percent of Iran’s container traffic and ranking second only to Imam Khomeini Port for imports, Shahid Rajaee is vital for Iran’s economy.
Environmental and health concerns are also mounting . The explosion produced dense orange and black smoke, which some observers cited as revealing the presence of nitrogen oxides and other hazardous pollutants. Schools and businesses across Bandar Abbas were temporarily closed due to air quality warnings.
Domestically, the Iranian government has declared a day of national mourning . President Masoud Pezeshkian traveled to the site personally, ordering a full review of safety practices at all major ports and instructing the Minister of Interior to coordinate an emergency response.
Whether the blast was a tragic accident resulting from regulatory failure, or a calculated act of sabotage intended to derail negotiations, remains unresolved — and the answer will carry profound implications for Iran’s internal politics, its foreign relations, and the regional balance of power . As of this writing, investigations are ongoing. Final conclusions from forensic teams, parliamentary inquiries, and intelligence services are expected within the coming weeks.
In the aftermath of the Shahid Rajaee Port explosion, a wave of solidarity swept across Iran . Many artists, musicians, and cultural figures expressed their condolences and shared messages of sympathy with the people of Bandar Abbas. Several music festivals, including the National Festival of Regional Music in Bandar Abbas and the Koocheh Festival in Bushehr, responded by dedicating performances to mourning the victims. The Koocheh Festival ended earlier than planned out of respect for the tragedy, while participating artists performed laments and sorrowful songs from across Iran.
Following an urgent call from the Iranian Blood Transfusion Organization, many artists publicly announced their readiness to donate blood for the injured . The response from the public was overwhelming: blood donation centers across the country reported a sharp increase in donors, with many facilities remaining open until midnight to accommodate the surge. Many noted that the Iranian people, as in past national crises, once again stood with the victims in a powerful display of solidarity. Across social media, prominent figures from Iran’s music and cultural communities united to mourn, support the victims, and stand firmly beside the grieving families of Bandar Abbas.
Mixed Signals As Iran–U.S. Negotiations Delayed [[link removed]]
Oman’s Foreign Minister Badr al-Busaidi announced on X that the fourth round of talks between the U.S. and Iran—originally scheduled for May 3 in Rome—has been postponed “for logistical reasons,” with a new date to be confirmed once both sides agree . Shortly thereafter, State Department spokesperson Tammy Bruce told reporters that Washington “had never finalized a time or place” for U.S. participation, but assured that “we expect it to happen soon and will share details as they become available.”
However, sources in Iran also hinted at tensions surrounding the U.S. position in the negotiations as contributing to the decision to delay the next round. Abas Aslani, a reporter with significant experience tracking U.S.-Iran negotiations over the years, cited Iranian concerns relating to “Internal disagreements within the US administration, conflicting positions on the process of the talks, and manipulation of the frameworks set in previous rounds” as factors contributing to the postponement.
The third round of negotiations in Muscat, Oman was reportedly the first round of negotiations that involved each party’s technical teams . Michael Anton, the Director of Policy Planning at the State Department, was tapped to oversee the talks’ technical track, with Majid Tacht-Ravanchi leading Iran’s technical team.
Several notable remarks from the Trump administration this week accompanied reports of underlying tensions. U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth tweeted a threatening message vowing that Iran “will pay” for its backing of Yemen’s Houthis “at a time and place of our choosing,” which was retweeted by lead U.S. negotiator Steven Witkoff.
Likewise, Secretary of State Marco Rubio struck a hawkish tone in remarks on Fox News shortly after he took over as acting National Security Advisor, simultaneous with his ongoing position as Secretary of State, following the demotion of Michael Waltz. Rubio reiterated remarks indicating that Iran must halt all uranium enrichment in order to strike a deal, in addition to steps to halt missile development, and proxy support—and warned that President Trump would resort to military force if Tehran does not comply.
At the same time, President Trump has threatened on social media that any country continuing to buy Iranian oil will not be able to do business with the United States . On April 30, the U.S. also slapped sanctions on seven companies tied to Iran’s oil exports—a move Tehran denounced as “economic terrorism” and an “entirely contradictory” approach that undermines diplomatic progress.
These conflicting signals stand in stark contrast to the cautious optimism following April 26’s third round in Muscat . Now, without a clear timetable and questions emerging regarding the U.S. position in the negotiations, the fragile momentum toward a new agreement risks stalling, raising doubts about whether both sides can bridge their differences before the diplomatic window closes.
Iran and U.S. Negotiators Report Progress After Third Round of Talks in Muscat [[link removed]]
On April 26, 2025, Iran and the United States concluded their third consecutive round of nuclear negotiations in Muscat, Oman, amid cautious optimism about the prospects for a future agreement. The Iranian delegation, led by Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, and the American team, headed by Special Envoy Steve Witkoff, engaged in detailed discussions, accompanied for the first time by technical experts specializing in nuclear issues, sanctions, and finance. The talks were again mediated by Oman.
Both sides described the session as positive and constructive . A senior U.S. official, speaking to Reuters, noted that while “significant work remains,” “meaningful progress” was achieved. Abbas Araghchi similarly commented that this round of negotiations was “much more serious than previous rounds,” adding that the discussions had entered “detailed, technical, and sensitive areas.” He emphasized that the atmosphere was “serious and professional,” though he described hopes for progress as “cautiously optimistic.”
In a statement, Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmaeil Baghaei reiterated that Iran’s priority remains the rapid lifting of sanctions and assured that Iran is ready to “fully guarantee the peaceful nature of its nuclear program .” He added that it is now up to the U.S. to demonstrate seriousness toward reaching a fair and realistic agreement.
While U.S. officials have publicly demanded that Iran halt its uranium enrichment activities and instead import nuclear fuel from abroad, this is a position that Iran has firmly rejected . Tehran insists that uranium enrichment for peaceful purposes is its non-negotiable right under international law.
As negotiations proceeded, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu publicly warned that any agreement must require the dismantling of Iran’s entire nuclear infrastructure . In response, Araghchi sharply criticized Netanyahu, stating [[link removed]] that Iran’s foreign policy would not be dictated by external actors, and warning that any military strike would be “immediately reciprocated.”
Meanwhile, President Trump reaffirmed his preference for diplomacy over military conflict, stating that reaching a simple agreement to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons would save “billions of dollars” and enhance regional stability . He also denied reports that he had prevented Israel from carrying out a military strike on Iran but said he preferred negotiation over escalation.
Following the talks, both sides agreed to continue negotiations next Saturday, May 3, 2025, likely in Europe. Western diplomats noted that the discussions are proceeding “at an unexpectedly fast pace,” though major challenges — especially concerning enrichment levels and sanctions relief — reportedly remain unresolved. As the negotiations advance, attention turns to an expected IAEA report and to whether the momentum can be sustained. For now, despite persistent obstacles, both Iran and the United States are keeping the diplomatic track alive — with the possibility of a historic agreement apparently inching closer.
SMS Hijab Policing Escalates in Iran: From Street Warnings to Family Alerts [[link removed]]
Women in Tehran have begun receiving text-message warnings ordering them to “correct” their dress simply for walking down the street. Similar alerts had already surfaced in Isfahan, Mashhad and Shiraz, but this is the first broad wave to hit the capital. Separate reports indicate that the text campaign has also been rolled out in Qom, Rasht and Alborz.
Recipients say the messages come from the “Headquarters for Promoting Virtue and Preventing Vice” (Setad) . A provincial Setad official in Fars confirmed the campaign, saying it was approved in a closed meeting with police and other agencies, while the national office refuses to explain how citizens’ phone numbers were obtained.
The standard Tehran text reads:
“ Greetings. You have appeared in public within Tehran without observing the legal dress code. Please comply with the law and adjust your attire. —Headquarters for Promoting Virtue and Preventing Vice, Tehran Province.”
Some women have also received a contrasting, “positive” message:
“ Respected vehicle owner, because you have observed hijab norms and committed no repeat offenses for six months, your record has been cleared. We hope you will continue to support public security.”
Meanwhile, police have resumed impounding vehicles linked to multiple hijab warnings—one driver was forced to an approved lot after three prior alerts . Authorities have now escalated the tactic by texting fathers, brothers and husbands of women accused of improper dress, informing them that a female relative was seen unveiled.
Legal experts challenge the operation’s legitimacy. Attorney Ali Mojtahedzadeh notes that Article 8 of Iran’s constitution frames “enjoining good and forbidding evil” as a civic—not governmental—duty, giving Setad no statutory authority to harvest personal data. Lawyer Hassan Younesi argues that only police possess the surveillance tools to match CCTV or license plates to phone numbers and must disclose how the data is being shared. Likewise, Attorney Shima Ghusheh has warned that granting any body face-recognition or unrestricted data access to non-governmental entities breaches constitutional privacy rights and international human-rights standards.
Sociologist Fatemeh Mousavi-Viayeh linked the text messages to a broader culture denying women bodily autonomy , predicting rising public anger and clashes. Mousavi-Viayeh noted “Both the private-sphere violence inflicted on women and the text-message warnings about their dress spring from the same underlying mindset—the belief that women should not control their own bodies and therefore have no right to decide how they live.”
She warns that the consequences are obvious: rising public discontent and social friction. Mousavi-Viayeh expects more confrontations between ordinary people and the individuals—whether hired or self-appointed—who photograph unveiled women and report them. “Ultimately these tensions could spill over into open clashes,” she adds, recalling the recent incident [[link removed]] in Qom where a mother breastfeeding her child in a clinic became the target of a heated dispute. “It is not far-fetched to imagine fresh unrest and conflict emerging from this same policy.”
The backlash has reached clerical ranks: Grand Ayatollah Naser Makarem Shirazi condemned texting male relatives, calling it “contrary to Islamic principles .” Until parliament enacts a dedicated hijab law, enforcement rests on the note to Article 638 of the Islamic Penal Code, which mandates jail or fines for appearing without “proper hijab.”
Amid mounting legal challenges, social resistance and clerical opposition, officials still have not explained who collects the data, how phone numbers are linked to surveillance images—or which agency authorized this latest digital front in Iran’s battle over compulsory hijab.
Iran’s President Pezeshkian Visits Azerbaijan Amid Efforts to Revive Ties [[link removed]]
Masoud Pezeshkian, President of Iran, arrived in Baku on an official visit where he was formally welcomed by Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev at the Zagulba Palace . Following the welcoming ceremony, bilateral talks between the two presidents and their accompanying delegations began immediately.
Iranian state television broadcast parts of Pezeshkian’s remarks during the meeting, where he referred to Iran as a “friend of Azerbaijan” and conveyed the greetings of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei to President Aliyev. This visit marks the first trip by an Iranian president to Azerbaijan in nearly six years. Pezeshkian’s agenda includes meetings with senior Azerbaijani officials, the signing of cooperation agreements, participation in a bilateral business forum, meetings with Iranian expatriates, and discussions with Iranian traders and border governors.
Before departing Tehran, Pezeshkian emphasized the depth of Iran-Azerbaijan ties, stating, “Our relationship with Azerbaijan is rooted in historical, cultural, and social connections that must be further strengthened .” Relations between Iran and Azerbaijan have been fragile in recent years, particularly due to Azerbaijan’s close ties with Israel — a key source of tension between the two neighbors.
According to Mehdi Sanaei, the Iranian president’s political advisor, the visit to Baku was scheduled as a “compressed one-day trip” because Pezeshkian remains closely involved in overseeing the aftermath of the Shahid Rajaee Port explosion . Sanaei described the trip as “a new beginning” in bilateral relations, a sentiment echoed by Iran’s state news agency IRNA, which called the visit part of the ongoing process to restore ties.
Meanwhile, Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmail Baghaei stated that preparations for this visit had been underway for a long time, despite recent tensions . Pezeshkian’s visit comes just weeks before the anniversary of the death of former President Ebrahim Raisi, who perished in a helicopter crash in May 2024 after attending a joint ceremony with President Aliyev on the Iran-Azerbaijan border. Earlier reports had suggested that Pezeshkian might attend the United Nations Climate Change Conference hosted by Baku in November 2024, but ultimately Iran was represented by Shina Ansari, head of the Department of Environment.
During the visit, economic cooperation remained a central focus . Iran and Azerbaijan have previously collaborated in the energy sector, and recently, Iran announced a new agreement with Russia to import natural gas via Azerbaijan. Iranian Oil Minister Mohsen Paknejad stated last week in Moscow that an existing memorandum for the annual import of 55 billion cubic meters of Russian gas had been expanded to allow land transit through Azerbaijan. Paknejad added that the gas would be delivered to Iran at Astara, and logistical coordination with both Russia and Azerbaijan is underway.
Beyond energy, geography and border dynamics also loom large in Tehran-Baku relations . Azerbaijan reclaimed territories from Armenia during the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, reigniting disputes over regional connectivity. Specifically, Azerbaijan seeks a direct land corridor to its exclave, Nakhchivan, which borders Turkey and Iran but is separated from mainland Azerbaijan by a strip of Armenian territory.
Before the Soviet Union’s collapse, Azerbaijan maintained a railway connection to Nakhchivan through the Zangezur corridor . However, that route was severed during the first Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in 1988. Since then, Azerbaijan has relied on Iran and Turkey for access to Nakhchivan.
Tehran opposes any new corridor that would cut off its border with Armenia, viewing such a move as a threat to regional balance and to its own strategic interests. Historically, Iran was among the first countries to recognize Azerbaijan’s independence from the Soviet Union. Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani was the first Iranian president to visit Azerbaijan in 1993. Mohammad Khatami visited in 2004, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad made two trips — an official visit in 2007 and participation in the Caspian Sea Summit in 2010 — and Hassan Rouhani visited twice, once in 2016 and again in 2019.
Pezeshkian’s trip thus continues a tradition of high-level contacts, but it occurs against a backdrop of both opportunity and tension , with energy cooperation, geopolitical balancing, and regional security at the forefront of the evolving Iran-Azerbaijan relationship.
Iran Executes Mohsen Langar-Neshin on Espionage Charges [[link removed]]
Iran’s judiciary announced that Mohsen Langar-Neshin was hanged at dawn on April 30, 2025, after a Revolutionary Court convicted him of “moharebeh (waging war against God) and corruption on earth” for allegedly spying for Israel’s Mossad . Officials described Langar-Neshin as a “senior spy” who provided logistical support for multiple Mossad operations, including the May 2022 assassination of IRGC Colonel Hassan Sayad Khodaei, who was shot five times by two motorcycle-borne gunmen in Tehran.
According to the judiciary, Langar-Neshin was recruited by Mossad in October 2020, met its officers twice—in Georgia and Nepal—to receive assignments, and supplied unregistered SIM cards, mobile phones, and portable internet modems while conducting surveillance of strategic sites . Authorities claim that all legal procedures were followed, yet in a pre-execution video Langar-Neshin’s father said his son was “unjustly caught up in a case riddled with flaws and ambiguities.”
Human-rights sources report that Langar-Neshin was moved to solitary confinement in Ghezel-Hesar Prison in March after his July 2023 arrest in Tehran, and that he endured severe physical and psychological torture to extract a forced confession, with threats against his family . Hengaw rights group holds a 22-minute audio recording in which he details the abuse.
Today’s hanging comes just days after the execution of Hamid Hossein-Nezhad Heidaranlou, another case marred by allegations of coerced confessions . Rights groups have repeatedly condemned Iran for this practice, and Amnesty International’s 2024 report again ranked Iran first worldwide for recorded executions—a position reinforced by these latest deaths.
The National Iranian American Council is deeply disturbed by allegations of torture and forced confessions, which is contrary to Iran’s international legal obligations .
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