[Che envisioned a new medicine, with doctors who would serve the
greatest number of people with preventive care and public awareness of
hygiene. ] [[link removed]]

HOW CHE GUEVARA TAUGHT CUBA TO CONFRONT COVID-19  
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Don Fitz
June 1, 2020
Monthly Review
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_ Che envisioned a new medicine, with doctors who would serve the
greatest number of people with preventive care and public awareness of
hygiene. _

Cuban doctors head to Italy to battle coronavirus, Physicians Weekly

 

Beginning in December 1951, Ernesto “Che” Guevara took a
nine-month break from medical school to travel by motorcycle through
Argentina, Chile, Peru, Colombia, and Venezuela. One of his goals was
gaining practical experience with leprosy. On the night of his
twenty-fourth birthday, Che was at La Colonia de San Pablo in Peru
swimming across the river to join the lepers. He walked among six
hundred lepers in jungle huts looking after themselves in their own
way.

Che would not have been satisfied to just study and sympathize with
them—he wanted to _be_ with them and understand their existence.
Being in contact with people who were poor and hungry while they were
sick transformed Che. He envisioned a new medicine, with doctors who
would serve the greatest number of people with preventive care and
public awareness of hygiene. A few years later, Che joined Fidel
Castro’s 26th of July Movement as a doctor and was among the
eighty-one men aboard the Granma as it landed in Cuba on December 2,
1956.

Revolutionary Medicine

After the January 1, 1959, victory that overthrew Fulgencio Batista,
the new Cuban constitution included Che’s dream of free medical care
for all as a human right. An understanding of the failings of
disconnected social systems led the revolutionary government to build
hospitals and clinics in underserved parts of the island at the same
time that it began addressing crises of literacy, racism, poverty, and
housing. Cuba overhauled its clinics both in 1964 and again in 1974 to
better link communities and patients. By 1984, Cuba had introduced
doctor-nurse teams who lived in the neighborhoods where they had
offices (_consultorios_).

The United States became ever more bellicose, so in 1960 Cubans
organized Committees for Defense of the Revolution to defend the
country. The committees prepared to move the elderly, disabled, sick,
and mentally ill to higher ground if a hurricane approached, thus
intertwining domestic health care and foreign affairs, a connection
that has persisted throughout Cuba’s history.

As Cuba’s medical revolution was based on extending medical care
beyond the major cities and into the rural communities that needed it
the most, it was a short step to extend that assistance to other
nations. The revolutionary government sent doctors to Chile after a
1960 earthquake and a medical brigade in 1963 to Algeria, which was
fighting for independence from France. These actions set the stage for
the country’s international medical aid, which grew during the
decades and now includes helping treat the COVID-19 pandemic.

In the late 1980s and early ’90s, two disasters threatened the very
existence of the country. The first victim of AIDS died in 1986. In
December 1991, the Soviet Union collapsed, ending its $5 billion
annual subsidy, disrupting international commerce, and sending the
Cuban economy into a free fall that exacerbated the AIDS epidemic. A
perfect storm for AIDS infection appeared on the horizon. The HIV
infection rate for the Caribbean region was second only to southern
Africa, where a third of a million Cubans had recently been during the
Angolan wars. The embargo on the island reduced the availability of
drugs (including those for HIV/AIDS), made existing pharmaceuticals
outrageously expensive, and disrupted the financial infrastructures
used for drug purchases. Desperately needing funds, Cuba opened the
floodgate of tourism, bringing an increase in sex exchanged for money.

The government drastically reduced services in all areas except two:
education and health care. Its research institutes developed Cuba’s
own diagnostic test for HIV by 1987. Over twelve million tests were
completed by 1993. By 1990, when gay people had become the island’s
primary HIV victims, homophobia was officially challenged in schools.
Condoms were provided for free at doctor’s offices and, despite the
expense, so were antiretroviral drugs.

Cuba’s united and well-planned effort to cope with HIV/AIDS paid
off. In the early 1990s, at the same time that Cuba had two hundred
AIDS cases, New York City (with about the same population) had
forty-three thousand cases.1
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Despite having only a small fraction of the wealth and resources of
the United States, Cuba had overcome the devastating effects of the
U.S. blockade and had implemented an AIDS program superior to that of
the country seeking to destroy it. During this Special Period, Cubans
experienced longer lives and lower infant mortality rates in
comparison to the United States. Cuba inspired healers throughout the
world to believe that a country with a coherent and caring medical
system can thrive, even against tremendous odds.

COVID-19 Hits Cuba

Overcoming the HIV/AIDS and Special Period crises prepared Cuba for
COVID-19. Aware of the intensity of the pandemic, Cuba knew that it
had two inseparable responsibilities: to take care of its own with a
comprehensive program and to share its capabilities internationally.

The government immediately carried out a task that proved very
difficult in a market-driven economy—altering the equipment of
nationalized factories (which usually made school uniforms) to
manufacture masks. These provided an ample supply for Cuba by the
middle of April 2020, while the United States, with its enormous
productive capacity, was still suffering a shortage.

Discussions at the highest levels of the Cuban Ministry of Public
Health drew up the national policy. There would need to be massive
testing to determine who had been infected. Infected persons would
need to be quarantined while ensuring that they had food and other
necessities. Contact tracing would be used to determine who else might
be exposed. Medical staff would need to go door to door to check on
the health of every citizen. _Consultorio_ staff would give special
attention to everyone in the neighborhood who might be high risk.

By March 2, Cuba had instituted the Novel Coronavirus Plan for
Prevention and Control .2
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Within four days, it expanded the plan to include taking the
temperature of and possibly isolating infected incoming travelers.
These occurred before Cuba’s first confirmed COVID-19 diagnosis on
March 11. Cuba had its first confirmed COVID-19 fatality by March 22,
when there were thirty-five confirmed cases, almost one thousand
patients being observed in hospitals, and over thirty thousand people
under surveillance at home. The next day it banned the entry of
nonresident foreigners, which took a deep bite into the country’s
tourism revenue.3
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That was the day that Cuba’s Civil Defense went on alert to respond
rapidly to COVID-19 and the Havana Defense Council decided that there
was a serious problem in the city’s Vedado district, famous for
being the largest home to nontourist foreign visitors who were more
likely to have been exposed to the virus. By April 3, the district was
closed. As Merriam Ansara witnessed, “anyone with a need to enter or
leave must prove that they have been tested and are free of
COVID-19.” The Civil Defense made sure stores were supplied and all
vulnerable people received regular medical checks.4
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Vedado had eight confirmed cases, a lot for a small area. Cuban health
officials wanted the virus to remain at the “local spread” stage,
when it can be traced while going from one person to another. They
sought to prevent it from entering the “community spread” stage,
when tracing is not possible because it is moving out of control. As
U.S. health professionals begged for personal protective equipment
(PPE) and testing in the United States was so sparse that people had
to _ask_ to be tested (rather than health workers testing contacts of
infected patients), Cuba had enough rapid test kits to trace contacts
of persons who had contracted the virus.

During late March and early April, Cuban hospitals were also changing
work patterns to minimize contagion. Havana doctors went into Salvador
Allende Hospital for fifteen days, staying overnight within an area
designated for medical staff. Then they moved to an area separate from
patients where they lived for another fifteen days and were tested
before returning home. They stayed at home without leaving for another
fifteen days and were tested before resuming practice. This
forty-five-day period of isolation prevented medical staff from
bringing disease to the community via their daily trips to and from
work.

The medical system extends from the _consultorio_ to every family in
Cuba. Third-, fourth-, and fifth-year medical students are assigned by
_consultorio_ doctors to go to specific homes each day. Their tasks
include obtaining survey data from residents or making extra visits to
the elderly, infants, and those with respiratory problems. These
visits gather preventive medicine data that is then taken into account
by those in the highest decision-making positions of the country. When
students bring their data, doctors use a red pen to mark hot spots
where extra care is necessary. Neighborhood doctors meet regularly at
clinics to talk about what each doctor is doing, what they are
discovering, what new procedures the Cuban Ministry of Public Health
is adopting, and how the intense work is affecting medical staff.

In this way, every Cuban citizen and every health care worker, from
those at neighborhood doctor offices to those at the most esteemed
research institutes, plays a part in determining health policy. Cuba
currently has eighty-nine thousand doctors, eighty-four thousand
nurses, and nine thousand students scheduled to graduate from medical
studies in 2020. The Cuban people would not tolerate the head of the
country ignoring medical advice, spouting nonsense, and determining
policy based on what would be most profitable for corporations.

The Cuban government approved free distribution of the homeopathic
medicine PrevengHo-Vir to residents of Havana and Pinar del Rio
province.5
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Susana Hurlich was one of many receiving it. On April 8, Dr. Yaisen,
one of three doctors at the _consultorio_ two blocks from her home,
came to the door with a small bottle of PrevengHo-Vir and explained
how to use it. Instructions warn that it reinforces the immune system
but is not a substitute for Interferon Alpha 2B, nor is it a vaccine.
Hurlich believes that something important “about Cuba’s medical
system is that rather than being two-tiered, as is often the case in
other countries, with ‘classical medicine’ on the one hand and
‘alternative medicine’ on the other, Cuba has ONE health system
that includes it all. When you study to become a doctor, you also
learn about homeopathic medicine in all its forms.”6
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Global Solidarity in the Time of COVID-19

A powerful model: Perhaps the most critical component of Cuba’s
medical internationalism during the COVID-19 crisis has been using its
decades of experience to create an example of how a country can
confront the virus with a compassionate and competent plan. Public
health officials around the world were inspired by Cuba’s actions.

Transfer of knowledge: When viruses that cause Ebola, mainly found in
sub-Saharan Africa, increased dramatically in fall 2014, much of the
world panicked. Soon, over twenty thousand people were infected, more
than eight thousand had died, and worries mounted that the death toll
could reach into hundreds of thousands. The United States provided
military support; other countries promised money. Cuba was the first
nation to respond with what was most needed: it sent 103 nurse and 62
doctor volunteers to Sierra Leone. Since many governments did not know
how to respond to the disease, Cuba trained volunteers from other
nations at Havana’s Pedro Kourí Institute of Tropical Medicine. In
total, Cuba taught 13,000 Africans, 66,000 Latin Americans, and 620
Caribbeans how to treat Ebola without themselves becoming infected.
Sharing understanding on how to organize a health system is the
highest level of knowledge transfer.

Venezuela has attempted to replicate fundamental aspects of the Cuban
health model on a national level, which has served Venezuela well in
combating COVID-19. In 2018, residents of Altos de Lidice organized
seven communal councils, including one for community health. A
resident made space in his home available to the Communal Healthcare
System initiative so that Dr. Gutierrez could have an office. He
coordinates data collections to identify at-risk residents and visits
all residents in their homes to explain how to avoid infection by
COVID-19. Nurse del Valle Marquez is a Chavista who helped implement
the Barrio Adentro when the first Cuban doctors arrived. She remembers
that residents had never seen a doctor inside their community, but
when the Cubans arrived “we opened our doors to the doctors, they
lived with us, they ate with us, and they worked among us.”7
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Stories like this permeate Venezuela. As a result of building a
Cuban-type system, _teleSUR_ reported that by April 11, 2020, the
Venezuelan government had conducted 181,335 early polymerase chain
reaction tests in time to have the lowest infection rate in Latin
America. Venezuela had only 6 infections per million citizens while
neighboring Brazil had 104 infections per million.8
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When Rafael Correa was president of Ecuador, over one thousand Cuban
doctors formed the backbone of its health care system. Lenin Moreno
was elected in 2017 and Cuban doctors were soon expelled, leaving
public medicine in chaos. Moreno followed International Monetary Fund
recommendations to slash Ecuador’s health budget by 36 percent,
leaving it without health care professionals, without PPE, and, above
all, without a coherent health care system. While Venezuela and Cuba
had 27 COVID-19 deaths, Ecuador’s largest city, Guayaquil, had an
estimated death toll of 7,600.9
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International medical response: Cuban medicine is perhaps best known
for its internationalism. A clear example is the devastating
earthquake that rocked Haiti in 2010. Cuba sent medical staff who
lived among Haitians and stayed months or years after the earthquake.
U.S. doctors, however, did not sleep where Haitian victims huddled.
They instead returned to luxury hotels at night and departed after a
few weeks. John Kirk coined the term _disaster tourism_ to describe
the way that many rich countries respond to medical crises in poor
countries.

The commitment that Cuban medical staff show internationally is a
continuation of the effort made by the country’s health care system
in spending three decades finding the best way to strengthen bonds
between caregiving professionals and those they serve. By 2008, Cuba
had sent over 120,000 health care professionals to 154 countries, its
doctors had cared for over 70 million people in the world, and almost
2 million people owed their lives to Cuban medical services in their
country.

_The Associated Press_ reported that when COVID-19 spread throughout
the world, Cuba had thirty-seven thousand medical workers in
sixty-seven countries. It soon deployed additional doctors to
Suriname, Jamaica, Dominica, Belize, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines,
Saint Kitts and Nevis, Venezuela, and Nicaragua.10
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On April 16, _Granma_ reported that “21 brigades of healthcare
professionals have been deployed to join national and local efforts in
20 countries.”11
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The same day, Cuba sent two hundred health personnel to Qatar.12
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As northern Italy became the epicenter of COVID-19 cases, one of its
hardest hit cities was Crema in the Lombardy region. The emergency
room at its hospital was filled to capacity. On March 26, Cuba sent
fifty-two doctors and nurses who set up a field hospital with three
intensive care unit beds and thirty-two other beds with oxygen. A
smaller and poorer Caribbean nation was one of the few aiding a major
European power. Cuba’s intervention took its toll. By April 17,
thirty of its medical professionals who went abroad tested positive
for COVID-19.13
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Bringing the world to Cuba: The flip side of Cuba sending medical
staff across the globe is the people it has brought to the
island—both students and patients. When Cuban doctors were in the
Republic of the Congo in 1966, they saw young people studying
independently under streetlights at night and arranged for them to
come to Havana. They brought in even more African students during the
Angolan wars of 1975–88 and then brought large numbers of Latin
American students to study medicine following Hurricanes Mitch and
Georges. The number of students coming to Cuba to study expanded even
more in 1999 when it opened classes at the Latin American School of
Medicine (ELAM). By 2020, ELAM had trained thirty thousand doctors
from over one hundred countries.

Cuba also has a history of bringing foreign patients for treatment.
After the 1986 nuclear meltdown at Chernobyl, twenty-five thousand
patients, mostly children, came to the island for treatment, with some
staying for months or years. Cuba opened its doors, hospital beds, and
a youth summer camp.

On March 12, nearly fifty crew members and passengers on the British
cruise ship MS Braemar either had COVID-19 or were showing symptoms as
the ship approached the Bahamas, a British Commonwealth nation. Since
the Braemar flew the Bahamian flag as a Commonwealth vessel, there
should have been no problem disembarking those aboard for treatment
and return to the United Kingdom. But the Bahamian Ministry of
Transport declared that the cruise ship would “not be permitted to
dock at any port in the Bahamas and no persons will be permitted to
disembark the vessel.”14
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During the next five days, the United States, Barbados (another
Commonwealth nation), and several other Caribbean countries turned it
away. On March 18, Cuba became the only country to allow the
Braemar’s over one thousand crew members and passengers to dock.
Treatment at Cuban hospitals was offered to those who felt too sick to
fly. Most went by bus to José Martí International Airport for
flights back to the United Kingdom. Before leaving, Braemar crew
members displayed a banner reading “I love you Cuba!”15
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Passenger Anthea Guthrie posted on her Facebook page: “They have
made us not only feel tolerated, but actually welcome.”16
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Medicine for all: In 1981, there was a particularly bad outbreak of
the mosquito-borne dengue fever, which hits the island every few
years. At the time, many first learned of the very high level of
Cuba’s research institutes that created Interferon Alpha 2B to
successfully treat dengue. As Helen Yaffe points out, “Cuba’s
interferon has shown its efficacy and safety in the therapy of viral
diseases including Hepatitis B and C, shingles, HIV-AIDS, and
dengue.”17
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It accomplished this by preventing complications that could worsen a
patient’s condition and result in death. The efficacy of the drug
persisted for decades and, in 2020, it became vitally important as a
potential cure for COVID-19. What also survived was Cuba’s eagerness
to develop a multiplicity of drugs and share them with other nations.

Cuba has sought to work cooperatively toward drug development with
countries such as China, Venezuela, and Brazil. Collaboration with
Brazil resulted in meningitis vaccines at a cost of 95¢ rather than
$15 to $20 per dose. Finally, Cuba teaches other countries to produce
medications themselves so they do not have to rely on purchasing them
from richer countries.

In order to effectively cope with disease, drugs are frequently sought
for three goals: _tests_ to determine those infected; _treatments_ to
help ward off or cure problems; and _vaccines_ to prevent infections.
As soon as polymerase chain reaction rapid tests were available, Cuba
began using them widely throughout the island. Cuba developed both
Interferon Alpha 2B (a recombinant protein) and PrevengHo-Vir (a
homeopathic medication). _TeleSUR_ reported that by March 27, over
forty-five countries had requested Cuba’s Interferon in order to
control and then get rid of the virus.18
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Cuba’s Center for Genetic Engineering and Biotechnology is seeking
to create a vaccine against COVID-19. Its Director of Biomedical
Research, Dr. Gerardo Guillén, confirmed that his team is
collaborating with Chinese researchers in Yongzhou, Hunan province, to
create a vaccine to stimulate the immune system and one that can be
taken through the nose, which is the route of COVID-19 transmission.
Whatever Cuba develops, it is certain that it will be shared with
other countries at low cost, unlike U.S. medications that are patented
at taxpayers’ expense so that private pharmaceutical giants can
price gouge those who need the medication.

Countries that have not learned how to share: Cuban solidarity
missions show a genuine concern that often seems to be lacking in the
health care systems of other countries. Medical associations in
Venezuela, Brazil, and other countries are often hostile to Cuban
doctors. Yet, they cannot find enough of their own doctors to travel
in dangerous conditions or go to poor and rural areas, by donkey or
canoe if necessary, as Cuban doctors do.

When in Peru in 2010, I visited the Pisco _policlínico_. Its Cuban
director, Leopoldo García Mejías, explained that then-president Alan
García did not want additional Cuban doctors and that they had to
keep quiet in order to remain in Peru. Cuba is well aware that it has
to adjust each medical mission to accommodate the political climate.

There is at least one exception to Cuban doctors remaining in a
country according to the whims of the political leadership. Cuba began
providing medical attention in Honduras in 1998. During the first
eighteen months of Cuba’s efforts in Honduras, the country’s
infant mortality rate dropped from 80.3 to 30.9 deaths per 1,000 live
births. Political moods changed and, in 2005, Honduran Health Minister
Merlin Fernández decided to kick Cuban doctors out. However, this led
to so much opposition that the government changed course and allowed
the Cubans to stay.

A disastrous and noteworthy example of when a country refused an offer
of Cuban aid is in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. After the
hurricane hit in 2005, 1,586 Cuban health care professionals were
prepared to go to New Orleans. President George W. Bush, however,
rejected the offer, acting as if it would be better for U.S. citizens
to die rather than admit the quality of Cuban aid.

Though the U.S. government does not take kindly to students studying
at ELAM, they are still able to apply what they learn when they come
home. In 1988, Kathryn Hall-Trujillo of Albuquerque, New Mexico,
founded the Birthing Project USA, which trains advocates to work with
African-American women and connect with them through the first year of
the infant’s life. She is grateful for the Birthing Project’s
partnership with Cuba and the support that many ELAM students have
given. In 2018, she told me: “We are a coming home place for ELAM
students—they see working with us as a way to put into practice what
they learned at ELAM.”

Cuban doctor Julio López Benítez recalled in 2017 that when the
country revamped its clinics in 1974, the old clinic model was one of
patients going to clinics, but the new model was of clinics going to
patients. Similarly, as ELAM graduate Dr. Melissa Barber looked at her
South Bronx neighborhood during COVID-19, she realized that while most
of the United States told people to go to agencies, what people need
is a community approach that recruits organizers to go to the people.
Dr. Barber is working in a coalition with South Bronx Unite, the Mott
Haven Mamas, and many local tenant associations. As in Cuba, they are
trying to identify those in the community who are vulnerable,
including “the elderly, people who have infants and small children,
homebound people, people that have multiple morbidities and are really
susceptible to a virus like this one.”19
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As they discover who needs help, they seek resources to help them,
such as groceries, PPE, medications, and treatment. In short, the
approach of the coalition is to go to homes to ensure that people do
not fall through the cracks. In contrast, U.S. national policy is for
each state and each municipality to do what it feels like doing, which
means that instead of having a few cracks that a few people fall
through, there are enormous chasms with large groups careening over
the edge. What countries with market economies need are actions like
those in the South Bronx and Cuba carried out on a national scale.

This was what Che Guevara envisioned in 1951. Decades before COVID-19
jumped from person to person, Che’s imagination went from doctor to
doctor. Or perhaps many shared their own visions so widely that, after
1959, Cuba brought revolutionary medicine anywhere it could.
Obviously, Che did not design the intricate inner workings of Cuba’s
current medical system. But he was followed by healers who wove
additional designs into a fabric that now unfolds across the
continents. At certain times in history, thousands or millions of
people see similar images of a different future. If their ideas spread
broadly enough during the hour that social structures are
disintegrating, then a revolutionary idea can become a material force
in building a new world.

Notes

* ↩
[[link removed]]
Nancy Scheper-Hughes, “AIDS, Public Policy, and Human Rights in
Cuba,” Lancet 342, no. 8877 (1993), 965–67.
* ↩
[[link removed]]
Pascual Serrano, “Cuba en Tiempos de Coronavirus
[[link removed]],”
cuartopoder, March 21, 2020.
* ↩
[[link removed]]
Helen Yaffe, “Cuban Medical Science in the Service of Humanity
[[link removed]],”
CounterPunch, April 10, 2020.
* ↩
[[link removed]]
Merriam Ansara, “John Lennon in Quarantine: A Letter From Havana,”
[[link removed]]
CounterPunch, April 9, 2020.
* ↩
[[link removed]]
Heidy Ramírez Vázquez, “Medicamento Homeopático a Ciudadanos en
Cuba
[[link removed]],”
Infomed al Día, April 12, 2020.
* ↩
[[link removed]]
Susana Hurlich, “Door by Door the Cuban Government Delivers Immune
Boosting Medicine to the People
[[link removed]],”
Resumen-English, April 9, 2020.
* ↩
[[link removed]]
Cira Pascual Marquina, “A Caracas Commune Prepares for the
Coronavirus Crisis: Four Voices from the Altos de Lidice Communal
Healthcare System [[link removed]],”
Venezuela Analysis, April 11, 2020.
* ↩
[[link removed]]
“Venezuela Has the Lowest Contagion Rate in Latin America
[[link removed]],”
teleSUR, April 14, 2020.
* ↩
[[link removed]]
Alan MacLeod, “Bodies in the Streets: IMF Imposed Measures Have Left
Ecuador Unable to Cope with Coronavirus
[[link removed]],”
MintPress News, April 13, 2020.
* ↩
[[link removed]]
“Cuban Docs Fighting Coronavirus Around World, Defying US
[[link removed]],”
Associated Press, April 3, 2020.
* ↩
[[link removed]]
Ministry of Foreign Affairs Statement, “The COVID-19 Pandemic Makes
Clear the Need to Cooperate Despite Political Differences
[[link removed]],”
Granma, April 16, 2020.
* ↩
[[link removed]]
Ángel Guerra Cabrera, “Cuba: El Interferón Salva Vidas,” La
Jornada, April 16, 2020.
* ↩
[[link removed]]
Farooque Chowdhury, “Undaunted Cuba Defies the Empire and Extends
Hands of Solidarity to Continents
[[link removed]],”
Countercurrents, April 17, 2020.
* ↩
[[link removed]]
Peter Kornbluh, “Cuba’s Welcome to a Covid-19-Stricken Cruise Ship
Reflects a Long Pattern of Global Humanitarian Commitment
[[link removed]],”
Nation, March 21, 2020.
* ↩
[[link removed]]
Amy Goodman with Peter Kornbluh, “‘Humanitarian Solidarity’:
Even Under U.S. Sanctions, Cuba Sends Doctor Brigade to Italy and More
[[link removed]],”
Democracy Now!, March 24, 2020.
* ↩
[[link removed]]
Kornbluh, “Cuba’s Welcome to a Covid-19-Stricken Cruise Ship.”
* ↩
[[link removed]]
Helen Yaffe, “Cuba’s Contribution to Combating COVID-19
[[link removed]],”
Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal, March 14, 2020.
* ↩
[[link removed]]
“Over 45 Countries Ask Cuba for Interferon to Treat Covid-19
[[link removed]],”
teleSUR, March 27, 2020.
* ↩
[[link removed]]
John Tarleton, “Cuban-Trained Doctor Helps Mobilize Pandemic
Response in Her South Bronx Community
[[link removed]],”
Indypendent, April 11, 2020.

*
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*
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*
* [[link removed]]

 

 

 

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