Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we explore underseas cables and who controls this critical infrastructure amid Meta’s proposal to build the world’s longest. ![]() Meta’s Foray Into Undersea Cables Raises Questions Over Critical Infrastructure Michelle Nie Meta last month announced Project Waterworth, a $10 billion project to build the world’s longest undersea cable. Critically, Meta would be the sole owner and user of this cable, further concentrating ownership of critical international infrastructure in the hands of a few technology corporations. While ownership of a cable does not necessarily mean that one has access to the data that flows through it, owners can determine which data flows are prioritized, as well as exploit their control over these chokepoints to favor their own services. The overall result highlights the urgent need for democracies around the world to take policy action. Today’s undersea cables are designed to transmit enormous amounts of data, including voice and eventually internet traffic, across thousands of miles. In all, 99 percent of today’s international communications traffic — including internet, telephone, and video — is transmitted through such cables. These connections are core to the basic functioning of our societies. Both cloud computing and financial systems such as the Society for World Interbank Financial Telecommunications (SWIFT) depend extensively or even exclusively on undersea cables to manage essential services and to transmit transactions valued at trillions of dollars daily. Despite their critical importance, only one percent of all undersea cables are owned by governments. The vast majority are owned by private firms or consortiums of firms. And just four corporations — Google, Microsoft, Meta, and Amazon— own or lease about half the world’s undersea cable capacity. The same four account for an even greater percentage — 71 percent – of total cable traffic, thanks in part to the fact that their cables tend to be of higher capacity; Meta, for example, has been deploying cables that use 24 pairs of fibers, when typical cables have only up to 16. These four tech giants have used their control over undersea cables to their advantage in a variety of ways. For instance, the corporations are making critical decisions about where cables lie. One result is they predominantly use cables to connect data centers instead of population centers, as was previously common practice — a trend that is set to accelerate due to the importance of cloud and AI on these businesses’ growth. Similarly, these four corporations use their effective control over international connectivity to further reinforce their already outsized market power over digital communications systems. As with cloud services, they can prioritize their own services and slow or even deny services to other companies, in ways that limit both freedom and competition. To solve these issues, some have advocated for the increased use of satellites to facilitate data transfers. But even the most advanced extraterrestrial systems are less reliable, slower, and less resilient to external factors. They are also dependent on powerful U.S. companies, notably Starlink. Others have advocated for increased protections under international laws, such as the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), written in 1982. But the convention largely addresses nations' rights and responsibilities over cables rather than regulating the use of cables. Late in the Biden administration the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) proposed an overhaul of its cable licensing rules to force license applicants to demonstrate that new cables would serve the public interest and that they have not “violated U.S. antitrust or other competition laws.” If adopted this rule would apply to new cables connected to the U.S. but not to existing infrastructure. There are, however, other ways to challenge the control of these four sprawling corporations, while reducing systemic vulnerability to accidents, disruption, and geopolitical coercion. For instance, governments couldd treat cables as public utilities and regulate them accordingly. This could be done through domestic regulation, since nations have jurisdiction over cable laying and placement activity 200 nautical miles (around 10 kilometers) from shore per the UNCLOS. A second approach would be for democratic governments to increase their investment in alternative cable systems. This would allow democratic nations to take a more active role in establishing public alternatives with the aim of expanding access without depending on Big Tech-controlled infrastructure. Last, at the international level, democratic nations could aim to strike new multilateral treaties to require cable owners to share cable capacity with smaller businesses, eliminating their exclusive access rights. The stakes are high. If we fail to regulate cables in the public interest, this critical infrastructure will continue to be controlled by a tiny few U.S.-based Big Tech companies and, by proxy, the U.S. government — further undermining a free internet and threatening the security and resilience of one of the fundamental critical infrastructure networks that society depends on. ![]()
Open Markets Submits Letter in Support of Minnesota Bill Banning Price Discrimination Open Markets Institute’s food program manager Claire Kelloway submitted a letter to the Minnesota House committee on commerce, finance, and policy, in support of the state’s proposed Consumer Grocery Pricing Fairness Act, which would help level the playing field for independent grocers by banning concessionary pricing for large retailers like Walmart and Amazon. “This bill would ensure that any differences in pricing or terms of sale are grounded in demonstrable, genuine cost savings (such as lower per unit shipping costs for larger orders). Any grocer that can purchase orders in a way that saves costs should be able to receive the same pricing and terms of service,” Kelloway wrote, noting that the under-enforced federal Robinson-Patman Act outlaws price discrimination. Read the full letter here. 📝 WHAT WE'VE BEEN UP TO:
🔊 ANTI-MONOPOLY RISING:
We appreciate your readership. Please consider making a contribution to support the continued publication of this newsletter. 📈 VITAL STAT:$1 billionThe amount the EU is considering forcing Meta to pay for violating its landmark Digital Markets Act. The owner of Facebook is facing scrutiny over its “pay or consent” advertising model, under which users could either pay approximately $14 per month for an ad-free experience or consent to having their personal data used for targeted advertising. This model, EU officials argue, effectively coerces users into sharing their data. (Competition Policy International) 📚 WHAT WE'RE READING:Chokepoints: American Power in the Age of Economic Warfare — Edward Fishman, a former State Department official and current researcher and teacher at Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs, analyzes the way the United States has increasingly relied on its rapidly growing sanctions regime and influence over global oil, tech, and finance markets to thwart Russia, China, and Iran. In his account, Fishman argues this form of economic warfare is quickly emerging as the key force reshaping the global economy. ![]() Order Legal Director Sandeep Vaheesan’s new book: Sandeep Vaheesan, the legal director at the Open Markets Institute, published his first book Democracy in Power: A History of Electrification in the United States on December 3, 2024. Vaheesan examines the history—and presents a possible future—of the people of the United States wresting control of the power sector from Wall Street, including through institutions like the Tennessee Valley Authority and rural electric cooperatives. 🔎 TIPS? COMMENTS? SUGGESTIONS? We would love to hear from you—just reply to this e-mail and drop us a line. Give us your feedback, alert us to competition policy news, or let us know your favorite story from this issue. |