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Week of February 24, 2025 [[link removed]] | Iran Unfiltered is a digest tracking Iranian politics & society by the National Iranian American Council

* Arrest of Hiwa Saifizadeh and Crackdown on Popular Shows Highlight Cultural Repression in Iran [[link removed]]
* Growing Calls for an End to Capital Punishment in Iran Amid Rising Execution Numbers [[link removed]]
* Lavrov’s Tehran Visit: Iran Maintains Stance Against Direct U.S. Talks Amid ‘Maximum Pressure’ [[link removed]]
* Recurring Closures in Iran: Severe Cold, Energy Shortfalls Shut Down 25 Provinces [[link removed]]
* Chabahar Clashes: Security Forces Strike Against Jaish al-Adl Amid Continued Tensions [[link removed]]
* Impeachment Threat Grows for Iran’s Economy Minister Amid Rising Currency Turmoil [[link removed]]

Arrest of Hiwa Saifizadeh and Crackdown on Popular Shows Highlight Cultural Repression in Iran [[link removed]]
On the night of February 27, 2025, Iranian authorities apprehended Hiwa Saifizadeh—an Iranian classical singer, tombak player, theater performer, and music instructor—mid-performance at Emarat Rooberoo in Tehran . According to witnesses, plainclothes security personnel entered the venue after her first piece. Soon into her second piece, they cut the sound and ended the concert. Emarat Rooberoo, which functions as a cultural café with a bookstore, gallery, and theater area, subsequently announced its closure “until further notice.” It was not the first time the establishment has faced government enforcement; previously, it had been shut down for allegedly disregarding “Islamic norms.”

Born on November 5, 1997 (14 Aban 1376), Saifizadeh is acclaimed for her mastery of traditional Iranian music and her skill playing the tombak . In 2014 (1393), she earned recognition at the Khorram Music Festival, and from 2021 to 2022 (1400–1401), she joined the Rastak Ensemble for performances in Sulaymaniyah and Erbil in Iraq’s Kurdistan Region. Saifizadeh has worked with multiple musical groups, including Avaye Mehrabani, Moje No and Rastak. In 2021 (1400), she performed at Canada’s Tirgan Festival.

Saifizadeh was also excluded from an international “Maqam” music contest in neighboring Azerbaijan, where Iranian officials denied her permission to participate as a female vocalist, resulting in her replacement by a male singer . These harsh restrictions on female singers are often justified by Iranian authorities under Shiite jurisprudence, which deems “lascivious or morally corrupt” singing impermissible. However, many prominent Iranian musicians have vehemently opposed such rules.

Prior to his death in 2020, Mohammad-Reza Shajarian criticized the prohibition of women’s solo singing as “eliminating half the capacity of Iranian music .” Likewise, composer and tar virtuoso Hossein Alizadeh has frequently asserted that there is “no convincing reason” to bar women’s voices. Despite official claims that these prohibitions adhere to religious principles, numerous devout Muslims—including certain clerics—regard them as overly strict and unjust.

In late February 2025, just days before Saifizadeh’s arrest, Iranian authorities intensified their efforts to regulate social events and digital platforms . Majid Feyz Jafari, chief of the Public Security Police (FARAJA), reported taking “action” against 15 organizers of popular “blind date” shows. These shows, broadcast on platforms like YouTube and Instagram, show strangers meeting one another and have grown in popularity, particularly among younger audiences. Citing “social and moral harms,” the police blocked or removed the Instagram accounts hosting these meetups, most notably “ViniVidz,” which had amassed over 1.2 million followers. Although platforms like Instagram and YouTube are officially prohibited in Iran, people often bypass these restrictions through VPNs, exploring dating approaches via shows such as “Ex Date” and “Balloon Date,” which frequently clash with conservative social norms.

State efforts to control cultural content extends to streaming services as well. On February 23, 2025 (5 Esfand 1403), the judiciary-affiliated agency Mizan announced that the historical drama “Tasian” would no longer be available on the Filimo platform due to what it called a “lack of production and broadcast permits.” Directed by Tina Pakravan, Tasian is set in the years before the 1979 revolution, and its debut on February 8 drew swift censure from conservative officials. Commentators suggest the ban aimed to reinforce state television’s audience. Critics like film analyst Massoud Farasati condemned this censorship, saying it impedes the creation of high-quality productions and distances viewers from government-run media.

Viewed together—Saifizadeh’s detention, the suppression of blind-date events, and the removal of Tasian —illustrates the Iranian government’s efforts to police Iranian culture in line with their perceived view of “Islamic norms .” Yet observers note that some practicing Muslims, including senior religious figures, disapprove of such harsh measures. The broader public, particularly women and younger generations, continue to resist governmental dictates, bolstered by the “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement during the nationwide protests of 2022–2023. In open defiance of mandatory hijab laws and related cultural constraints, many Iranians turn to social media, underground music, and alternative forms of entertainment, often at considerable personal risk.

Nevertheless, artists and activists—Saifizadeh among them—remain steadfast in exercising their creative and expressive rights. In her own words:

“People have no right to decide whether another person gets to use their God-given talent. Too many people die without ever living the talents they have—and that’s a tragedy for us all.”

Growing Calls for an End to Capital Punishment in Iran Amid Rising Execution Numbers [[link removed]]
Iran is witnessing a surge in opposition to the death penalty, raised not only by civil society and human rights activists but also by high-profile religious scholars . This emerging coalition reflects an increasingly widespread rejection of capital punishment across various segments of Iranian society.

In a pivotal statement, five Iranian clerics and scholars—Mohammad Taghi Akbarnejad, Shahab-ud-Din Haeri Shirazi, Abdolrahim Soleimani Ardestani, Ahmad Abedini, and Sadigheh Vasmaghi—declared that abolishing the death penalty does not contradict Islamic tenets. Their argument draws on Qur’anic verses underscoring mercy and forgiveness above retribution: “The abolition of the death penalty bears no contradiction with an Islamic perspective… The Qur’an does not invite its followers to seek revenge; while it underscores justice and proportionality, it also encourages leniency and clemency over punishment.”

The statement further condemns non-transparent judicial processes and politically motivated death sentences, describing them as catalysts for social unrest. It urges Iran’s judicial authorities to uphold justice, protect human life, and guarantee fair trials:
“We earnestly demand the revocation of all issued death sentences… so that the gallows are removed from this land and Iranians need no longer fear for the lives of their loved ones at the hands of the judiciary.”

Against this backdrop of escalating executions, civil activists have continued to hold public demonstrations demanding an end to capital punishment . On February 19, during the fifty-sixth week of the “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign, protesters gathered outside Evin Prison in Tehran. Among them were Narges Mohammadi—a Nobel Peace Prize laureate—and Sedigheh Vasmaghi, who chanted slogans like “We stand until the end for the abolition of the death penalty.” In a symbolic gesture, Mohammadi set a noose on fire, underscoring their call to dismantle Iran’s execution apparatus. The campaign itself traces back to early 2023 (Bahman 1401), when it began under the name “Black Tuesdays.” Initially launched by a small group of political prisoners at Qezel Hesar Prison, it has since gained traction among inmates in other facilities and inspired similar actions elsewhere.

Despite growing domestic appeals to end the death penalty, Iran continues [[link removed]] to implement it at an alarming pace . According to data from human rights organizations and the United Nations, 901 executions were recorded in 2024—the highest figure in almost a decade. In December alone, authorities reportedly carried out around 40 executions per week, with a notable proportion involving women. Observers warn that these numbers likely represent only part of a larger crisis.

Many of these executions—especially those tied to political or national security accusations—have been criticized for inadequate due process and transparency . Coerced confessions, minimal legal representation, and rapid judicial proceedings remain widespread. High-profile cases such as Pakhshan Azizi, Varishe Moradi, Ahmadreza Jalali, and Behrouz Ehsani illustrate a consistent use of the death penalty to silence dissent. Critics argue that charges filed under “national security” or “rebellion” often serve as a pretext for persecuting minority groups, curtailing protests, and stifling opposition voices.

Respected religious figures’ public denunciations have amplified a nationwide discussion regarding the questionable moral grounds of capital punishment . Those clerics who contend Islamic jurisprudence does not mandate the death penalty share common ground with broader human rights advocacy that calls for its abolition.

At the same time, human right activists have heightened their demands for Iran to implement a moratorium or eradicate the death penalty altogether . Activists argue that repealing or significantly limiting the death penalty could help restore public trust in Iran’s judiciary, especially if accompanied by more equitable and transparent legal procedures.

Yet, authorities appear resolute in maintaining capital punishment, often invoking national security concerns as justification . Despite steadfast opposition from prominent clerics, legal experts, and human rights advocates, Iran’s reliance on executions continues—and in some respects, is expanding. The surge in executions threatens innocent lives, exacerbates internal tensions, and draws international condemnation. As the movement for abolition gains momentum, the Iranian government faces growing scrutiny over a punishment many see as fundamentally incompatible with both human rights and Islamic principles of mercy.

Lavrov’s Tehran Visit: Iran Maintains Stance Against Direct U.S. Talks Amid ‘Maximum Pressure’ [[link removed]]
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov traveled to Tehran for high-level discussions with Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, in what marked the first visit of a senior Russian diplomat to Iran since President Masoud Pezeshkian took office . During a joint press conference, Araghchi stated that Iran would not engage in nuclear negotiations with the United States under pressure. “There will be no possibility of direct talks between us and the United States on the nuclear issue as long as the maximum pressure is applied in this way,” Araghchi stated.

Yesterday, the U.S. imposed new sanctions on actors involved in Iran’s oil industry, advertising the enforcement as a step in the administration’s “maximum pressure campaign.” President Trump, himself, had indicated he was torn on signing the memorandum “restoring” maximum pressure earlier this month and hoped it would not be implemented much, though it has already been followed by two rounds of new sanctions designations targeting Iran’s oil sector. Araghchi, meanwhile, underscored that Tehran’s position is “closely coordinated” with Russia and China, with teams of legal, political, and technical experts maintaining continuous contact to ensure unity on key issues.

Araghchi informed Lavrov of Iran’s recent discussions with three European signatories to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), explaining that these talks focused on finding diplomatic ways to uphold the nuclear deal and address sanctions relief. However, he reiterated that dialogue with the United States is “off the table” until Washington halts its punitive approach. Lavrov expressed “optimism that there still exists room for a mutually acceptable settlement” and stressed the importance of relying on diplomatic channels rather than the “imposition of additional sanctions or force.” Iranian media reports suggest that one reason behind Lavrov’s visit was to clarify Tehran’s positions so Russia could convey them to the United States, especially given the changing dynamic between Washington and Moscow concerning the war in Ukraine under President Donald Trump.

During a separate meeting with President Masoud Pezeshkian, Lavrov was told that Tehran is “determined to strengthen interactions with Moscow,” according to Iran’s official government news outlet. President Pezeshkian asserted that Iran and Russia hold similar views on regional matters and that they seek to expand bilateral and international collaboration—especially through regional and global organizations such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Eurasian Economic Union, and BRICS. Lavrov responded that “Iran and Russia share many common interests in continuing effective regional collaboration.”

This diplomatic trip took place shortly after high-ranking U.S. and Russian officials met in Riyadh to continue talks aimed at ending Russia’s war in Ukraine . Iranian officials and commentators have noted that any recalibration in ties between Washington and Moscow could have implications for Iran’s standing in nuclear and regional negotiations. Lavrov stayed one day in Tehran, also meeting with other senior officials to discuss an array of topics, including trade, energy, transport projects, and security concerns in Syria, the Caucasus, and the Caspian region. Iran’s ambassador to Russia, Kazem Jalali, described Lavrov’s mission as “more urgent than ever” in the current climate.

Meanwhile, Iran’s recent talks in Geneva with Britain, France, and Germany were confirmed by both the Iranian Foreign Ministry and Germany’s Foreign Ministry . These discussions, described as “constructive,” centered on lifting sanctions and preserving the peaceful character of Iran’s nuclear program per Iranian accounts. Tehran’s openness to talking with Europeans contrasts with its current refusal to engage directly with the United States, a position reinforced by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, who labeled direct negotiations with Washington under pressure as “neither logical nor honorable” earlier this month.

Also this week, a quarterly report from the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), as reported by Reuters, revealed a dramatic escalation in Iran’s nuclear capabilities. As of February 8, 2025, Iran is reported to have accumulated 274.8 kilograms of uranium enriched to 60 percent—a significant increase from 182.3 kilograms in November 2024 and 164.7 kilograms in August 2024. This total stockpile of higher-enriched uranium is described as enough for six nuclear weapons, with further enrichment to weapons grade. Overall, the country’s total uranium reserves now stand at approximately 8,294 kilograms, marking an increase of 1,690 kilograms since the last IAEA report. This rapid expansion of enriched uranium has further intensified global concerns regarding Iran’s nuclear ambitions.

Following the election of Donald Trump, President Pezeshkian and Araghchi had expressed skepticism about the new U.S. administration but did not completely rule out talks if circumstances changed. However, Trump promptly reinstated “maximum pressure” sanctions against Iran, vowing to prevent the country from acquiring nuclear weapons while also suggesting he wanted a “verifiable nuclear peace agreement.” As it stands, Iran insists that diplomacy remains possible only under equitable conditions. Russia’s pledge to minimize the impact of unilateral sanctions and push for a constructive return to negotiations among all parties during Lavrov’s visit is notable, but both parties will likely need to adjust their diplomatic posture before productive negotiations can commence.

Recurring Closures in Iran: Severe Cold, Energy Shortfalls Shut Down 25 Provinces [[link removed]]
On February 25, Iranian authorities announced the full or partial shutdown of 25 provinces, citing extreme cold, air pollution, and shortages of electricity and gas—what the government calls “imbalances .” These frequent closures have repeatedly disrupted life across Iran in recent weeks, and it is anticipated that this pattern will continue in the coming days. Power and, critically, heating functions have also been disrupted throughout the country, adding to the hardship facing many Iranians of all walks of life.

According to meteorological reports, a cold front that arrived last Wednesday brought heavy snowfall, blizzards, fog, icy roads, a sharp drop in temperatures, and high winds to numerous parts of the country . Daily life has been severely affected, from parents forced to take leave to care for children—often without functional online learning options—to businesses idled by the closures, leaving some workers out of employment.

Iranian media note that Tehran, Isfahan, Lorestan, Kerman, Kurdistan, Qom, East Azerbaijan, West Azerbaijan, Kermanshah, Alborz, Fars, Razavi Khorasan, North Khorasan, South Khorasan, Golestan, Gilan, Ardabil, Semnan, Qazvin, Zanjan, Hamedan, Markazi, Ilam, Chahar Mahaal and Bakhtiari, and Mazandaran have all been impacted , prompting social media outcries. Commentators have referred to mid-week closures and 11 days of shutdowns within a single month as signs of “bankruptcy” or “collapse” in various sectors.

These repeated shutdowns have inflicted substantial economic damage . The Majles Research Center estimates that losses to small industries from electricity cuts alone in the summer reached 43 trillion tomans. Several politicians, including supporters of President Masoud Pezeshkian, have also voiced criticism. Reformist activist Javad Emam called the shutdowns “merely covering up the problem”, urging the government to “listen to the experts”.

Meanwhile, the Tasnim News Agency, which is affiliated with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, reported in early December that at least 80 out of 600 domestic power stations had gone offline due to gas or liquid-fuel shortages , reducing the national electricity generation capacity—58,000 megawatts—by 8,000 megawatts, or roughly 14 percent . Some social media users referenced a recent social media post [[link removed]] reshared by U.S. President Donald Trump suggested that “This is how regimes fall” linking to a New York Times article highlighting Iran’s inability to supply consistent power through the winter months.

Universities have likewise felt the impact . Following a decree from Tehran Province’s Energy Consumption Management Taskforce to close offices, educational centers, and universities, institutions across Tehran announced they would suspend administrative operations and move classes online. While Ministry of Science guidelines require that thesis defenses and academic interviews remain in-person, universities have reaffirmed that offices should remain closed. Nonetheless, poor internet quality has sparked frustration among the academic community.

Previously, the head of the Majles Education Committee criticized officials for targeting schools and universities first whenever shutdowns occur, warning that such an approach would “stall the country’s educational progress.” A recent example of opposition came from a professor at Sharif University, who emailed students stating he would hold in-person classes despite the closures. Meanwhile, the Basij Student Organization of the University of Tehran’s Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences wrote to the president, warning that frequent shutdowns—especially without functional virtual infrastructure—are causing a serious disruption to education and “severely undermining the quality of learning.”

Similar criticisms surfaced last semester after the Ministry of Science authorized universities to offer online classes . Many students, professors, and student organizations voiced concern that distance learning would lead to stagnation and a decline in academic standards, arguing that internet limitations and hasty implementation have harmed the learning environment.

Chabahar Clashes: Security Forces Strike Against Jaish al-Adl Amid Continued Tensions [[link removed]]
Violent clashes erupted in Chabahar on February 25, 2025, when Iranian security forces confronted militants from the Jaish al-Adl group in a forceful operation. According to the acting head of the Chabahar governorate, security forces attacked a residential building after locating a hideout used by Jaish al-Adl members. The operation resulted in the arrest of six suspects and the killing of two militants. Jaish al-Adl later confirmed in a statement that two of its members were killed during the engagement, claiming that only two fighters were present and that both lost their lives while resisting multiple military and intelligence units.

Just last week, on February 21, an attack on the Housing Foundation building in Othman Abad rocked the city . Jaish al-Adl claimed responsibility for that assault, blaming the Iranian government’s plans—specifically the Makran Coastal Development Plan—for attempting to undermine local culture and religious traditions. In related reports, security sources disclosed that an earlier explosion at the headquarters of a branch of the Housing Foundation was triggered by a “sound bomb” on the same day. Although the blast damaged part of the building, no injuries were reported.

Video footage from the recent clashes shows heavy exchanges of fire along Towhid Boulevard, with security forces deploying both light and heavy weapons to secure the area . A statement from the Quds Headquarters of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) during an operational exercise titled “Martyrs of Security” confirmed that the operation resulted in two Jaish al-Adl militants killed and six detained. IRNA later noted that the two deceased militants were non-Iranian nationals.

The acting head of the Sistan and Baluchestan provincial governorate and the special governorate of Chabahar emphasized that the intensive security operation was carried out in close coordination with the Chabahar Supply Council . “We are committed to ensuring the security of our people,” he declared, urging both the public and religious leaders to condemn these terrorist actions. He warned that the militants aimed to disrupt the city’s stability by driving away investors and tourists, thereby hindering Chabahar’s development.

Jaish al-Adl, designated as a terrorist organization by both Iran and the United States, claims to fight for the rights of the Baluch minority against the Islamic Republic . The group has a long history of clashes with Iranian security forces in the region, with previous incidents leading to hostage-taking and fatalities.

Impeachment Threat Grows for Iran’s Economy Minister Amid Rising Currency Turmoil [[link removed]]
The Iranian Parliament has initiated impeachment proceedings against Abdolnaser Hemmati, the Minister of Economy under President Masoud Pezeshkian . After only a few months in office, Hemmati faces criticism from lawmakers who argue he has failed to stabilize markets or curb steep increases in consumer prices.

Because lawmakers cannot legally summon the Central Bank governor for his role in these circumstances, their attention has turned to Hemmati. Although over 90 members of the Majles—many from the Paydari Front—have signed the impeachment letter, around 100 signatories may still fall short of the number required to guarantee his removal. Among the letter’s signers are 15 key figures who have also clashed with the administration on other issues, including internet filtering and hijab regulations.

This impeachment push comes less than six months into President Pezeshkian’s term. Though a session is scheduled for Sunday, March 2 (12 Esfand), some lawmakers believe the timing is premature. Fatemeh Maqsudi told ILNA it would be better to “give the government more time” to address entrenched economic troubles. Others, such as Majid Nasirpour and Beytollah Abdollahi, emphasize that systemic factors—rather than a single ministry—are behind extensive price volatility and currency instability.

In response, President Pezeshkian paid a “surprise visit” to the Ministry of Economy, calling it “unfair” to hold Hemmati solely responsible. He stressed that “monetary, banking, and foreign-exchange policies are decided collectively” by top governmental branches, parliamentary economic commissions, and experts.

Those in favor of Hemmati’s dismissal note that the dollar has soared above 90,000 tomans, briefly approaching 95,000 tomans, compared to around 60,000 tomans at the start of Pezeshkian’s presidency. Elyas Hazrati, head of the government’s Information Council, criticized the impeachment move as a “project” that may be influenced by outside agendas.

Beyond foreign-exchange turmoil, the government’s gold coin presale—priced at an implied 120,000 tomans per dollar—has sparked further criticism. Rice and potatoes, among other staple goods, continue to climb in cost, indicative of a larger inflationary trend that has eroded purchasing power. Meanwhile, average housing prices in Tehran have reportedly exceeded 100 million tomans per square meter—up from 31 million only a few years ago—and the Statistical Center of Iran places annual housing inflation at over 40%. Official figures list unemployment at 7.2% and general inflation at 32%, though many experts suspect higher actual rates.

Some legislators argue that removing Hemmati will not resolve the deep-rooted issues at play. They contend the administration’s economic team needs more than a few months to address decades-old challenges, which are further complicated by sanctions and geopolitical tensions. Notably, the Supreme Leader’s prohibition on negotiations puts a possible economic reprieve via sanctions relief further from reach.

Hemmati has remarked that if lawmakers genuinely seek an explanation, he is ready to defend his record, but if “they have already made up their minds,” little can be done. Regardless of the outcome, the debate underscores the complexity of Iran’s economic crisis and the intense political pressures within its legislative body.
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