|
A note from the editor, Ryan Costello: Please see our Human Rights Tracker below on Iran’s renowned satirist, Ebrahim Nabavi.
Week of January 13, 2025 | Iran Unfiltered is a digest tracking Iranian politics & society by the National Iranian American Council
In a move that could significantly reshape regional dynamics and raise concerns in Western capitals, Iran and Russia have signed a new “Comprehensive Strategic Treaty” aimed at strengthening their political, economic, and military ties. The signing ceremony took place on Friday, January 17 (28 Dey), at the Kremlin in Moscow, with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian and Russian President Vladimir Putin in attendance. The agreement comes at a time when both countries are under heavy Western sanctions, signaling a potential shift in their strategic partnerships over the next two decades.
President Pezeshkian, accompanied by Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi and other senior officials, arrived in Moscow on January 17. They were welcomed at the airport by Russian Energy Minister Sergei Sivilyov. During this cordial reception, Pezeshkian expressed hope for a “good agreement” between the two nations, while President Putin stated that the deal provides an opportunity to “accelerate almost all areas of cooperation.”
This signing took place on the eve of the inauguration of the new U.S. President, Donald Trump, a timing that many observers see as a calculated political signal. Analysts note that both Tehran and Moscow appear eager to consolidate alliances and reduce vulnerabilities amid shifting geopolitical landscapes.
According to statements by Kazem Jalali, Iran’s Ambassador to Russia, the newly signed treaty contains 47 articles covering a wide range of areas, including:
- Economic and Commercial Cooperation – Facilitating trade and investment opportunities in various sectors, especially energy and infrastructure.
- Technological and Cyber Collaboration – Emphasis on information technology, cybersecurity, and the exchange of knowledge.
- Peaceful Nuclear Energy – Potential cooperative projects within the framework of peaceful nuclear activities.
- Counterterrorism Efforts – Joint strategies to combat terrorism and organized crime.
- Regional Issues and the Caspian Sea – Provisions to coordinate positions on regional developments and environmental concerns.
- Money Laundering and Organized Crime – Enhancing collaboration in law enforcement and financial regulation.
Notably, unlike Russia’s agreements with North Korea and Belarus—which include mutual defense commitments—this treaty does not feature a “joint defense” clause. Ambassador Jalali explained that Iran, determined to maintain its “independence and national security,” is not interested in forming or joining any military blocs. Instead, Tehran is focused on expanding civilian and economic partnerships.
However, the treaty does contain a clause preventing both parties from aiding aggressors against the other or allowing use of their territories as a base for hostile actions. While this language underscores a commitment to respecting each other’s territorial integrity, it does not extend to recognizing disputed regions such as Crimea, which Russia annexed in 2014.
Iranian public opinion toward Russia remains cautious due to historical grievances, including territorial losses to the Russian Empire in the early 19th century. Comparisons have also been drawn to a 25-year strategic agreement Iran signed with China in 2021, which sparked domestic debate over fears of excessive concessions. Officials in Tehran insist that the new treaty with Moscow is mainly a framework or “road map” and that further contracts and agreements would be required to specify any binding commitments.
Diplomatic sources quoted by regional media outlets indicate that finalizing the text required 20 to 30 rounds of negotiation over four to five years. While the current text must still be ratified by Iran’s Parliament (Majlis) and the Russian Duma, it is expected to pass, given the geopolitical climate and the strategic interests of both sides.
In tandem with the signing of the treaty, Andrey Kostin, CEO of the Russian state-owned VTB Bank—the second-largest bank in Russia—announced plans to establish branches in Iran by the end of this year. VTB Bank is one of several Russian entities under European Union sanctions, having previously stated its willingness to explore alternative financing mechanisms in non-Western markets. This financial development aligns with the broader objective of the treaty to strengthen economic integration, counter Western sanctions, and facilitate bilateral trade without reliance on U.S. or EU systems.
Observers note that the Iran-Russia partnership could impact ongoing nuclear negotiations, especially if European countries trigger “snapback” sanctions at the United Nations Security Council – which cannot be vetoed. While Russia holds traditional veto power in the Council, Tehran remains cautious about relying too heavily on any single power for its broader strategic interests.
Still, Iranian and Russian officials dismiss speculation that differences in Syria or other regional theaters could derail the broader bilateral relationship. A source quoted by Middle East Eye indicated that both sides “have complaints” regarding each other’s roles on the ground, but these disagreements do not overshadow the potential for deeper collaboration.
In an interview, Nematollah Izadi, Iran’s last ambassador to the Soviet Union, characterized the new agreement as an act of confidence-building. He suggested that Tehran aims to reassure Moscow it will not abandon this growing relationship even if it pursues detente with the West. However, according to donya-e-eqtesad some Iranian diplomats in Europe expressed concerns about possible negative repercussions for any future Iran-Europe discussions aimed at resolving the nuclear standoff.
The newly signed Comprehensive Strategic Treaty between Iran and Russia charts a 20-year roadmap, encompassing a broad spectrum of cooperation from energy to technology. By consolidating their ties, both nations aim to navigate sanctions more effectively and bolster regional influence. While proponents see it as an essential hedge against Western pressures, critics warn of potential overreliance on Moscow and historical misgivings surrounding Russian involvement in Iranian affairs.
With the treaty now pending ratification in both countries’ legislatures, the evolving Iran-Russia axis will likely remain a focal point of international attention—particularly as new geopolitical pressures emerge and as the global community monitors the implications for regional stability, nuclear negotiations, and potential shifts in global power dynamics.
In a high-profile interview with NBC News, Masoud Pezeshkian, President of Iran, outlined his government’s stance on potential negotiations with the United States under a second Trump administration. His remarks drew significant global attention, particularly as they touched on Iran’s apparent openness to dialogue, its nuclear program, and allegations surrounding a supposed plot to assassinate former U.S. President Donald Trump.
Pezeshkian emphasized that Iran is “fundamentally prepared” to engage in discussions with the incoming U.S. administration, provided there is clarity on commitments resulting from such talks. He stated, “Our problem is not with dialogue itself, but with the obligations that emerge from it, which both parties must uphold.”
According to Pezeshkian, the main issue lies in trust-building. He accused past U.S. administrations of failing to honor their obligations, specifically referencing America’s withdrawal from the 2015 nuclear deal (JCPOA) under Donald Trump’s first presidential term. Despite these setbacks, Pezeshkian underscored Iran’s continued compliance with its commitments, claiming that Washington, in contrast, did not keep its promises and even sought to overthrow the Iranian government rather than solve outstanding disputes.
One of the most noteworthy segments of the NBC interview involved Pezeshkian’s rejection of any Iranian plot to assassinate Donald Trump. He stated, “We never have and never will make any attempt on Mr. Trump’s life. It’s yet another plan orchestrated by Israel and other countries to fuel Iranophobia.”
Earlier in November, the U.S. Justice Department accused an Afghan-born individual of plotting to kill Trump, allegedly on behalf of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards (IRGC). Iran immediately denied any involvement, calling such accusations baseless. Pezeshkian stressed that Tehran has never carried out or planned a targeted assassination against any U.S. official, describing this narrative as “a pretext to justify hostile actions” toward Iran.
Pezeshkian reiterated that Iran is not seeking war yet stands ready to defend its nuclear sites if attacked. He firmly denied accusations that Iran is pursuing a nuclear bomb, framing them as an excuse concocted by adversaries, stating “We do not fear war, but we do not desire it, either.” He continued, “Accusations of bomb-making are just a means to justify aggression.” The Iranian president insisted that, from the outset, Iran’s nuclear activities have been peaceful, and that the government remains open to international inspections—provided other parties honor the terms of any agreements reached.
In parallel, Abbas Araghchi, Iran’s Foreign Minister, also spoke to Iranian TV, asserting that Tehran will not engage in nuclear talks with Washington until the United States returns to the JCPOA or clarifies its policy regarding the agreement. He added, “Our objective in recent discussions with the Europeans is to find a way to resume nuclear talks.” Araghchi continued, “We have never left the negotiating table because we trust in the peaceful nature of our nuclear program.”
Araghchi underscored that Iran only participates in “dignified negotiations” based on mutual respect, not under pressure and sanctions. He further noted that while removal from the FATF blacklist might ease some restrictions, it would not alone transform Iran’s economic situation.
The Trump administration unilaterally withdrew from the JCPOA in 2018, prompting Iran to scale back its nuclear commitments over time. With the return of Donald Trump to the White House, analysts worry that the standoff over the nuclear program could escalate, potentially triggering a war or prompting Iran to pursue nuclear weapons.
Nonetheless, Pezeshkian’s remarks on NBC—like those of other Iranian officials— seem to indicate that Iran is open to negotiation, provided mutual obligations are clarified and respected. This position aligns with Tehran’s broader goal of easing sanctions, reestablishing diplomatic dialogue, and gaining security guarantees from the international community.
While Pezeshkian’s apparent openness to negotiations is noteworthy, the apparent conditions attached to negotiations could lead the incoming Trump administration to overlook the apparent olive branch. Under the Rouhani administration, Iran repeatedly insisted that the U.S. return to the framework of the 2015 nuclear deal and begin to honor its commitments, even though Trump appeared to have long since moved past that framework and was pursuing his own interests. Whether this new guarded openness to negotiation will bear fruit with Trump remains to be seen, and depends on future steps.
In his first trip to Central Asia, Masoud Pezeshkian, President of Iran, arrived in Dushanbe, Tajikistan, on Thursday, January 16, marking the beginning of an important diplomatic and economic engagement between the two countries. Tajikistan, often seen as a bridge between Iran and Russia in Central Asia, extended an exceptionally warm welcome, setting the tone for a fruitful series of meetings and agreements. Tajik officials hailed Pezeshkian’s visit as the start of a “new chapter” in the relationship between the two “friendly and brotherly nations.” In a lavish ceremony, President Emomali Rahmon greeted President Pezeshkian at the airport. A 21-gun salute took place in honor of the Iranian leader at the Palace of Nations. President Pezeshkian expressed that he felt at home in Tajikistan: “In Tajikistan, I do not feel like a stranger.” President Rahmon responded by warmly calling Iran’s President “a brother in his own home.”
One of the key outcomes of this visit was the formal expansion of a no-visa policy for citizens of both countries when traveling by airplane. While Iran and Tajikistan had already experimented with a limited visa waiver (only on certain direct flights between Tehran and Dushanbe), the policy now applies to all flights connecting various cities in Iran and Tajikistan directly or via third countries, though visas remain required at land borders. Both governments see this visa-free air travel as a promising first step toward broader tourism development, aiming to increase the current annual visitor flow from a few thousand tourists to 100,000 or more.
During the visit, officials from Iran and Tajikistan signed 22 new documents and memorandums of understanding in various sectors, signaling a deepening collaboration in areas such as economy and trade, transport and infrastructure, education and cultural exchanges, tourism development, and security and customs. According to both sides, the most significant outcome is the readiness to scale up political and economic cooperation. With Iran facing persistent external pressures and Tajikistan seeking reliable economic partnerships, both find mutual benefit in strengthening ties at this juncture.
The two presidents announced a new trade volume target of 1 billion USD between Iran and Tajikistan, a proposed increase from last year’s volume of 350 million USD. Entrepreneurs, investors, and industrial leaders met on the sidelines to explore new opportunities, resulting in 13 new projects worth USD 450 million. Officials highlighted Tajikistan’s strategic potential as a production hub for Iranian goods, destined for export to other Central Asian markets. Abbas Saleh Amiri, Iran’s Minister of Cultural Heritage, Tourism, and Handicrafts, praised the historical links between the two nations—stretching back over a millennium—and encouraged turning these cultural ties into economic advantages.
Both President Pezeshkian and President Rahmon also emphasized the importance of peace and stability in neighboring Afghanistan, citing joint coordination for humanitarian aid and shared concerns about terrorism, extremism, and illicit trafficking in the region. President Pezeshkian further stressed that there are “no limitations” for collaboration with Tajikistan in science, industry, technology, agriculture, and investment. He was granted an honorary professorship by the Tajik State Medical University (Ibn Sina), reflecting the willingness on both sides to strengthen academic ties as well.
During the visit, a poetry gathering and literary meeting was held in Dushanbe’s National Library, uniting poets and writers to celebrate the shared Persian linguistic heritage. Streets in Dushanbe displayed banners reading “Long live the friendship and brotherhood of the heirs of Rudaki and Hafez!”, written in both Cyrillic and Persian. Notably, the joint poetry reading by Pezeshkian and Rahmon has also gained wide attention among audiences in Iran.
President Pezeshkian’s two-day visit to Tajikistan concluded on Thursday evening, with both governments pledging to implement the newly signed agreements swiftly. By removing visa restrictions for air travelers and expanding economic and cultural cooperation, Iran and Tajikistan have laid the groundwork for a new era of closer ties. As they move toward achieving a 1 billion USD trade volume, both sides aim to encourage entrepreneurship, investment, and tourism, capitalizing on their profound historical, linguistic, and cultural links. With President Pezeshkian inking stronger ties with Russia in Moscow after his trip —and Tajikistan seen as a strategic link between Iran and Russia—observers believe the results of this Dushanbe summit could resonate beyond bilateral ties, potentially influencing regional dynamics and economic cooperation throughout Central Asia and beyond.
As the inauguration of Donald Trump draws close, diplomatic efforts surrounding Iran’s nuclear program continue—alongside new regional tensions and military developments. On Monday, January 13, representatives from Iran and the European Troika (Germany, the UK, and France) convened in Geneva for a second round of discussions in just under two months. These talks, described by Germany’s Foreign Ministry as “consultations” rather than formal negotiations, took place amid growing international scrutiny of Iran’s nuclear ambitions and questions regarding how the incoming U.S. administration will approach Tehran. Few details emerged regarding the substance of these talks. Kazem Gharibabadi, Iran’s Deputy Foreign Minister for International Affairs, described the negotiations as: “Serious, frank, and constructive.”
“This meeting signals that the three European countries are still pursuing a diplomatic solution for what they see as very problematic advances in Iran’s nuclear program,” said France’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs on January 9.
Concurrently, Olof Kristersson, Sweden’s Prime Minister, warned during the annual “Society and Defence” conference (Folk och Försvar) on January 12 that Sweden is neither entirely at peace nor in an official state of war, given what he termed “hybrid attacks” involving disinformation and sabotage. He specifically cited the activities of the Islamic Republic and, separately, Russia, suggesting that “Iran uses criminal gangs as proxies” to further its regional aims, thus threatening Swedish and broader European security.
Despite the diplomatic overtures, Iran’s military developments continue at a rapid pace. On Monday, January 13 (24 Dey), the Islamic Republic’s Army received 1,000 new “strategic, stealth, and anti-fortification” drones, described by Iranian media as having a range of over 2,000 kilometers, high destructive power, and the ability to evade detection with a very low radar cross-section (RCS). These drones, allegedly equipped for long-duration flights without continuous external guidance, are intended for “special missions” and “countering distant targets.” Western countries, including the United States, view Iranian drone advancements—similar to its missile program—as a regional threat. In April of last year, drones formed an advance wave in Iran’s retaliatory strikes on Israel, though these were largely ineffective compared with Iran’s ballistic missile strikes. In addition, Tehran’s provision of drone technology to Russia (for use in Ukraine) and to various proxy groups has triggered new sanctions and raised international alarm.
Further underscoring its military posture, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) announced on Friday, January 10 the unveiling of a “missile city” said to be located deep within a mountain. In footage broadcast by Iranian state television, the IRGC showcased liquid-fuel missiles such as Emad, Qadr, and Qiam purportedly stored in this underground facility. The broadcast included references to a recent IRGC attack on Israel called “True Promise 2,” and images showed IRGC commanders walking on the flags of the United States and Israel—a gesture reflecting Tehran’s stance of resistance against its perceived adversaries.
With Donald Trump’s presidency just days away, questions mount about the fate of Iran’s nuclear program, the future of the 2015 nuclear deal (JCPOA), and the possibility of renewed U.S.-Iran tensions. While European nations signal a preference for a diplomatic resolution, Tehran’s continued enhancement of its military capabilities suggests that the coming weeks may bring further uncertainty and heightened international scrutiny.
Renowned Iranian composer and conductor, Fereydoun Shahbazian, passed away on Saturday, January 11 in Tehran, after being hospitalized since January 1 due to respiratory complications. The news has prompted an outpouring of grief, with many within Iran’s music community and beyond paying tribute to a man who created iconic compositions over several decades, often bridging traditional Iranian music with more avant-garde orchestral techniques.
President Masoud Pezeshkian, in a message of condolence to Shahbazian’s family and music lovers, stated: “This talented and creative master of culture and the arts fulfilled a vital role in elevating our country’s music, producing influential works marked by profound humanistic and moral values.”
Born in 1942 (1321 SH) in Tehran, Shahbazian was introduced to music at an early age by his father, Hossein Shahbazian, a violinist, orchestra conductor, and student of the legendary Abolhasan Saba. Fereydoun’s own classical training began at the Tehran Music Conservatory, where he studied with noted instructors, eventually joining the Tehran Symphony Orchestra at the age of 17 under the baton of Heshmat Sanjari. By 1966 (1345 SH), he had already assumed leadership of this ensemble, demonstrating rare talent as both a conductor and arranger. Over time, Shahbazian also collaborated with the Radio and Television Chamber Orchestra, and later took charge of Gulha-ye Taze, an innovative program showcasing new renditions of Iranian classical and folk compositions. His deep involvement in diverse musical forms—from the traditional to the cinematic—reflected his overarching commitment to expanding Iran’s cultural repertoire.
Shahbazian worked with some of Iran’s most esteemed vocalists, including Mohammad-Reza Shajarian, Simin Ghanem, Mohammad Esfahani, Alireza Eftakhari, Pari Zanganeh, and Akbar Golpayegani. Among his most popular works are “Jame Tohi” (“Empty Cup”), famously sung by Mohammad-Reza Shajarian; “Kashefan-e Faroutan-e Shokaran” and “Rubaiyat-e Khayyam” with recitation by Ahmad Shamlu; “Gol-e Goldun-e Man,” performed by Simin Ghanem; and “Charkh-e Gardoon,” an album composed by Ali Tajvidi, sung by Ali-Asghar Shahzidi. His commitment to integrating Iranian poetry with orchestral arrangements led to groundbreaking projects such as “Sedaye Shaer” (Poet’s Voice), produced in collaboration with the Kanoon-e Parvaresh-e Fekri-ye Koodakan va Nojavanan. Through these endeavors, Shahbazian set the verses of Hafiz, Rumi, Khayyam, Ahmad Shamlu, Mehdi Akhavan Sales, and other luminaries to original scores, illustrating his unique ability to synthesize literature and music.
With the advent of the 1979 Iranian Revolution and increased restrictions on live music, Shahbazian—alongside noted composers such as Farhad Fakhreddini, Majid Entezami, and Kambiz Roshanravan—turned his attention to film scoring, a relatively less-censored venue for musical expression at the time. Some of his notable scores include “Avaar”, directed by Sirous Alvand; “Shir-e Sangi” (“Stone Lion”), directed by Massoud Jafari Jozani; and the TV series “Paeezan,” directed by Rasoul Sadr Ameli. Shahbazian often spoke about post-revolutionary Iranian cinema’s reliance on music for dramatic effect, particularly in epic or revolutionary-themed films, which offered innovative composers a way to remain active. In 2021 (1400 SH), while recording music for the television series “Yavar,” he fractured his hand and hip but delayed surgery until he had completed the final five episodes—an example of his lifelong passion and professional integrity.
Shahbazian believed that modern technology could be harnessed to enhance Iranian music, provided those employing it had the proper skill and knowledge. He lamented that some unqualified individuals, lacking even basic musical literacy, were able to misuse electronic devices, thereby compromising the field’s artistic standards. Whether through his traditional arrangements, cinematic scores, or modern orchestrations, Shahbazian enriched Iranian music, leaving an indelible mark on multiple generations of musicians, composers, and listeners.
Fereydoun Shahbazian is survived by his wife, Mahour Mousaeian, an accomplished photographer in Iran’s film industry, along with his extended family and a wide circle of admirers.
The National Iranian American Council (NIAC) extends its heartfelt condolences to Fereydoun Shahbazian’s family, friends, and all who cherished his art. His extraordinary dedication to modernizing Iranian music, respect for the nation’s cultural legacy, and unwavering creative spirit have left an inspiring example for generations to come.
The chief judge overseeing the sprawling “Debsh Tea” corruption case has announced that two former ministers—the Minister of Agriculture and the Minister of Industries, Mining, and Trade (“صمت” in Persian)—as well as the former head of the Trade Promotion Organization are among those charged in a scandal valued at 3.7 billion USD. Judge Hamid Pasandideh, in an interview with domestic media, provided new details about the case, confirming that these high-ranking former officials will face criminal charges in court.
The scandal first gained widespread public attention in December 2023, quickly becoming one of Iran’s most controversial economic corruption cases in recent years. Investigators allege that Debsh Tea repackaged domestic Iranian tea using foreign branding, then resold it at inflated prices. Beyond charges of illegal imports, the indictment also includes accusations of substantial bribery and causing disruptions to the economic system.
According to Pasandideh, the Debsh Tea investigation currently involves 61 defendants, and the number may increase as inquiries continue. Thus far, 22 court sessions have taken place, with the prosecution focusing on alleged violations ranging from import fraud to massive bribe payments. The judge noted that Group Debsh assets have been seized, highlighting the seriousness of the alleged misconduct.
One primary charge facing the defendants revolves around failure to fulfill foreign currency obligations—meaning they allegedly received foreign exchange for goods they were supposed to import into Iran but did not do so, effectively misappropriating the allocated funds. Pasandideh further stated that while Debsh Tea continues to operate, it does so on a reduced scale, in contrast to its previous level of activity.
Previously, the head of the judiciary revealed that in addition to the two former ministers, a deputy minister, a director overseeing several government entities, and 45 other individuals have been summoned and formally charged in connection with the Debsh Tea affair.
With each new revelation, the Debsh Tea case continues to expand in scope, underscoring Iran’s ongoing challenges in tackling large-scale financial misconduct—particularly when it involves officials and entities at the highest levels of government.
برای خواندن این مطلب به فارسی اینجا را کلیک کنید
The recent tragic death of renowned Iranian-American writer, journalist, and satirist Ebrahim Nabavi has cast a stark light on the deep psychological impact of enforced exile. According to his family, Nabavi ended his life in Maryland on Tuesday, January 14, 2025. His daughters shared that, in the last decade, their father suffered from depression and profound longing for his homeland, unable to reconcile with his forced residence in a foreign land. They poignantly stated that he passed away never truly coming to terms with his exile.
Nabavi, born in 1958 in Astara, Gilan Province, was not only a prolific satirist but also one of the greatest satirical scholars in Iran’s history. His satirical work, notably during the “Press Spring” of the late-1990s, made him a distinguished figure in Iranian media.
After multiple arrests and trials, he left Iran in the early 2000s, living in Belgium, Canada, and finally the United States, where he continued his career in satire, writing for outlets like BBC Persian, Voice of America, and Deutsche Welle. Despite his success abroad, Nabavi’s writings often echoed a deep yearning to return to Iran, to live among Persian-speaking compatriots and share in the joys and sorrows of life within his own cultural context.
Nabavi’s story is not only a personal tragedy but also highlights a broader human rights issue: the right of individuals to freely choose their residence and travel without fear of persecution. International human rights laws, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and various UN conventions, affirm the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of a state, as well as the right to leave and return to one’s country. These rights are essential to human dignity, enabling individuals to pursue personal, cultural, and professional aspirations without undue restrictions.
Under Iranian law, while there are legal pathways for return, in practice, the fear of arrest or persecution often effectively bars individuals from exercising their right to return home. Nabavi reportedly tried several times to return to Iran but was deterred by the fear of being arrested upon arrival. This situation forced him into a perpetual state of limbo, longing for his homeland but living under the shadow of potential incarceration—a circumstance that appears to have contributing significantly to his depression and eventual suicide.
Close friends and colleagues remember Ebrahim Nabavi as a remarkably talented satirist and scholar who brought joy and laughter to Iranian society during tumultuous times. Abbas Abdi recalled Nabavi’s dream to return to Iran, not just for personal comfort, but to engage in lasting cultural and intellectual work—researching the history of satire, publishing novels and short stories, and living in the vibrant cultural milieu of his home country. Abdi lamented that pressures, political fears, and exile had forced talented individuals like Nabavi into permanent foreign residencies and effectively barred them from reentry.
Ahmed Zeidabadi and others echoed these sentiments, emphasizing that Nabavi’s life in exile, cut short by his inability to return, symbolizes a broader systemic issue. Zeidabadi described Nabavi as a brilliant satirist whose departure from Iran—and ultimately, his suicide—marks a profound wound in Iranian society, symbolizing the failure of a society that cannot welcome its most cherished voices back home. The inability of creative and intellectual figures to return and contribute freely not only robs the individuals themselves of fulfilling their potential but also deprives their homeland of invaluable cultural and intellectual enrichment.
Ebrahim Nabavi’s death is a stark reminder of the human cost of restricting the right to choose one’s residence and to travel freely. It underscores the urgent need for policies that allow individuals to return to their homeland without fear of persecution or arrest, including for their political views or activities. Ensuring that people can live where they choose, maintain family connections, and engage in cultural and social life without undue fear is not only a matter of personal freedom but a fundamental human right.
While many mourn Nabavi’s passing and reflect on the systemic issues his death highlights, it is important to acknowledge that a minority—particularly some monarchists and hardline figures inside and outside Iran—expressed a perverse satisfaction at his demise. Such reactions are a grim reminder of the polarized nature of Iranian society and politics, where the loss of a great cultural figure can be met with shock by some and cynical relief by others. This further underscores the need for a more compassionate, inclusive society that values its intellectual and cultural heritage over divisive politics.
The National Iranian American Council (NIAC) strongly condemns any policies or practices that infringe upon the basic human rights of freedom of travel and return. NIAC calls on the Islamic Republic of Iran to respect the rights enshrined in international human rights law and to remove barriers that prevent individuals like Ebrahim Nabavi from returning home safely. Moreover, we call on Iranian authorities to free all prisoners of conscience inside Iran in line with its international human rights obligations, which contributes to a culture of fear both inside and outside Iran. By doing so, Iran can begin to heal the wounds of its diaspora, allowing its cultural and intellectual heritage to flourish once again within its borders.
|
