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The thing about the climate crisis is that it doesn’t discriminate between Democrats and Republicans. Everyone is vulnerable to the ravages of climate change whether they believe in it or not. In most cases, Americans know the solutions—decarbonize, harness renewables, deliver advanced infrastructure upgrades and more. But the response needed isn’t happening fast enough, and the divergence in climate responses between red and blue states has intensified. Intrastate disputes compromise goals that affect the entire country and endanger the lives of millions of people. GOP officials publicly celebrate federal funding for state climate and energy projects, while doubling down on trying to undo the very laws that made those public projects possible.

For our October issue, Gabrielle Gurley wrote about how this divide between red and blue states on energy and climate affects the entire country’s ability to respond to the climate crisis. GOP-controlled states that are pulling out of interstate compacts are slowing down reductions in greenhouse gas emissions, and the state with the highest emissions, Texas, has its own electrical grid that it won’t give up even amidst debilitating demand spikes.

You can read Gabrielle Gurley’s piece here.

Some Republicans in Congress are beginning to incorporate a particular vision of the labor movement—primarily white male industrial workers—into their rhetoric, but their counterparts on the state level are working to break unions. While Senators Josh Hawley and J.D. Vance bragged about joining the UAW’s picket line when they were on strike against the Big Three automakers, state-level Republicans enacted legislation to undermine the UAW and the ability of workers to organize. Alabama, Georgia and Tennessee passed bills requiring companies looking to receive state economic incentives to waive their right to recognize a union based on cards signed by workers. And public sector unions especially are a target of the GOP; in Florida, tens of thousands of public sector workers have had their unions decertified thanks to impossible-to-meet regulations.

In blue states, it’s a different picture. In Minnesota, now-VP candidate Tim Walz oversaw a dramatic expansion of labor rights, banning captive audience meetings, expanding what public school teachers are able to bargain for, mandating sick leave for all workers and more. Multiple blue states have enacted legislation to establish collective bargaining rights for workers not covered under the NLRB, like domestic workers.

For our October special issue, Sharon Block and Benjamin Sachs wrote about how when it comes to labor, blue and red states are worlds apart. So long as states remain under partisan control, the outlook for workers is often determined by whether a Democrat or a Republican is the governor. But there are opportunities for workers to win concessions in red states, and voters in several states have passed ballot initiatives to raise the minimum wage and even end right-to-work laws.

You can read the full piece here.

This month, we’re releasing a special issue on how state policy has diverged between red and blue states. Depending on where you live, your life expectancy, quality of life and well-being could vary wildly, and states aren’t content to legislate policy within state borders. Far-right activists in red states want to impose their vision on the entire country, through the courts, corporate collusion and even political violence. This dynamic is best understood as a cold civil war, and it impacts the health and wellbeing of millions of Americans.

Our special issue is live on our website, covering everything from labor protections, the future of public schools, our politicized courts, the threat of political violence and much more. For just five dollars a month, you can get our award-winning print magazine, published bimonthly, sent straight to your door. And by becoming a subscriber, you’ll help power our core editorial mission: telling stories about Ideas, Politics and Power.

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