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Week of September 9, 2024 | Iran Unfiltered is a digest tracking Iranian politics & society by the National Iranian American Council
Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian and Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani signed 14 cooperation agreements during a meeting in Baghdad, focusing on a range of sectors from security to energy. According to the Iranian news agency IRNA, other areas of focus for the agreements included economics, agriculture, education, culture, and arts, as well as cooperation between the countries’ respective chambers of commerce. In their joint statement, both leaders also condemned the ongoing violence in Gaza, calling for an immediate halt to what they described as “genocide.”
This trip marks Pezeshkian’s first official foreign visit since assuming office. During his three-day stay, he met with Iraqi President Abdul Latif Rashid and advocated for the creation of a union of Islamic countries, calling for the removal of borders between them, similar to the European Union.
Among the key topics discussed were joint security efforts, collaboration in the refining and energy industries, and bolstering private sector partnerships. Prime Minister al-Sudani highlighted the importance of enhancing transportation links, specifically mentioning the ongoing Basra-Shalamcheh railway project.
The U.S. Embassy in Iraq reported that a diplomatic building was attacked on the night before Pezeshkian’s arrival. Two rockets reportedly landed near the American Diplomatic Support Complex at Baghdad International Airport, though no casualties were reported.
On the second day of his visit, Pezeshkian traveled to the Kurdistan region of Iraq, marking the first time an Iranian president has visited the area. In Erbil, he met with Kurdish leaders, including Nechirvan Barzani, President of Iraqi Kurdistan, and reaffirmed Iran’s commitment to strengthening ties with both Baghdad and Erbil. Pezeshkian addressed journalists in Kurdish, expressing a desire to resolve longstanding issues and enhance cooperation with the region.
Barzani hailed the visit as a historic moment, emphasizing the deep cultural, linguistic, and historical ties between Iran and the Kurdistan region. He assured that Kurdistan’s territory would not be used for activities against the Islamic Republic of Iran. Pezeshkian’s visit to Iraqi Kurdistan comes at a time when relations between Iran and the semi-autonomous region are being closely watched. Over the past two years, Iran has claimed that Israeli intelligence agents have been operating in Kurdistan, accusing them of conspiring against Iran. Last January, the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps claimed responsibility for missile strikes targeting the home of a prominent businessman in Erbil that Iran alleged had deep ties to Israel’s Mossad.
Pezeshkian also met with Prime Minister Masrour Barzani and former President Massoud Barzani during his stay in Erbil. The meetings focused on expanding economic and political cooperation between the two regions.
In the lead-up to Pezeshkian’s visit, tensions were rising regarding the fate of Kurdish opposition groups in Iraq. Days before the trip, Iranian state media reported the transfer of Bezhad Khosravi, a member of the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan, from Iraqi Kurdistan to Iran. While Khosravi claimed in a video that he returned voluntarily, Kurdish opposition groups have denied this, accusing authorities of forcing his return.
Iranian ambassador to Iraq, Mohammad Kazem Al Sadeq, had previously highlighted progress in implementing a security agreement signed two years ago between Iran and Iraq, aimed at curbing the activities of separatist Kurdish groups. Iran has long considered groups like the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan and the Komala Party as terrorist organizations, and members have been sentenced to long prison terms or even execution in Iran.
In recent weeks, Kurdish opposition parties have faced increasing pressure, with reports emerging that some Komala bases were evacuated, and members were relocated. These developments come amid escalations following the 2022 death of Mahsa (Jina) Amini, a Kurdish woman, which sparked widespread protests in Iran and led to increased Iranian military activity along the Iraqi border. Pezeshkian’s trip, alongside the presence of high-ranking officials like Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi and Central Bank Governor Mohammadreza Farzin, signals Iran’s intent to assert its influence in both Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan, as well as to address ongoing security concerns.
On the final day of his three-day visit, President Pezeshkian arrived in the strategic port city of Basra, located in southern Iraq, marking the first time an Iranian president has visited this city. Basra, Iraq’s third-largest city and the country’s primary and strategic port linked to the Persian Gulf, is home to a majority population of Shia Muslims. While in Basra, Pezeshkian met with the city’s tribal elders, as well as cultural, religious, and academic figures. Pezeshkian spoke of “brotherhood” with the group, inviting them to join said “brotherhood” while also criticizing Israel for committing “genocide” in the region. Pezeshkian also reiterated the idea of lifting certain border restrictions, facilitating trade, and even proposing a common currency similar to the “European Union experience,” a suggestion he had previously raised during a meeting with Iraq’s Prime Minister. He also emphasized his determination to pursue the launch of the “Shalamcheh to Basra railway” with full force, adding, “This is just the first step. I will follow up on any project that can connect us.”
The United Kingdom, France, and Germany announced sanctions against Iran Air on Tuesday, following the U.S. lead in penalizing the airline following allegations that Iran had supplied short-range ballistic missiles to Russia for use in the war in Ukraine. U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken confirmed the move during a meeting with his British counterpart, David Lammy, in London. Blinken cited Iran’s transfer of ballistic missiles to Russia as the reason for the fresh round of sanctions.
Shortly after Blinken’s announcement, the U.S. Treasury Department added 10 individuals and six entities, based in both Iran and Russia, to its sanctions list. The department also targeted four ships involved in delivering Iranian weapons, including drones and long-range ballistic missiles, to Russia.
Germany, France, and the UK condemned the alleged missile exports in a joint statement, calling the shipments a violation of international law. The three European nations pledged to terminate bilateral air service agreements with Iran and to include Iran Air in their sanctions. “We will take immediate steps to end all bilateral aviation agreements with Iran,” the statement read.
British Foreign Secretary David Lammy, at a joint press conference with Blinken, described Iran’s missile transfers as a “significant escalation” of the crisis, calling the situation “concerning.” He emphasized that the UK and U.S. are closely coordinating their responses. The sanctions come as Blinken visits London ahead of UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s meeting with U.S. President Joe Biden in Washington later this week.
Tehran has repeatedly denied sending ballistic missiles to Russia. State media quoted spokesperson Nasser Kanaani as saying that any claims about ballistic missile sales are “completely baseless and false.” Likewise, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi denied any missile shipments to Russia. “Iran has not sent any ballistic missiles to Russia. Period,” Araghchi wrote on X (formerly Twitter). He further criticized Western sanctions, stating, “Sanctions are not the solution—they are part of the problem.”
On Tuesday, the Pentagon indicated that the Iranian missiles included in the alleged transfer – Fateh-360 missiles – have a range of approximately 75 miles (120 kilometers) and could be used against Ukraine within weeks. The Fateh-360 is a solid-fueled ballistic missile developed by Iran’s Aerospace Industries Organization. While Iran produces longer-range and more advanced missiles, analysts suggest Tehran may have chosen this model to manage Western reactions. Pentagon spokesperson General Patrick Ryder said dozens of Russian military personnel had been trained in Iran to operate the missile systems. The news of Iran’s alleged missile shipments to Russia comes amid heightened Russian missile strikes on Ukrainian cities and infrastructure in recent weeks.
Iran Air, which currently operates direct flights to cities such as Frankfurt, Hamburg, Paris, and London, now faces fresh sanctions from the U.S. and Europe. Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Kanaani condemned the European nations’ actions, describing them as part of the West’s ongoing “hostile policies” and “economic terrorism” against Iran. He warned that Iran would respond with “appropriate reciprocal measures.”
When asked about the reports of missile transfers, Russian officials did not deny the claims. Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said, “We have seen this report. Not all of this information is accurate. Iran is an important partner of ours, and we are expanding trade and cooperation in all areas, including sensitive ones.”
In response to the alleged missile transfers, the UK summoned Iran’s chargé d’affaires to the Foreign Office, and the Netherlands summoned the Iranian ambassador to protest the alleged shipments. The UK Foreign Office, in a statement, confirmed that the Iranian chargé d’affaires had been summoned under instructions from Foreign Secretary Lammy, in coordination with European partners. “The UK government has made it clear that any transfer of ballistic missiles to Russia will be seen as a dangerous escalation and will receive a serious response.”
On Tuesday, Blinken reiterated that Russia had received ballistic missiles from Iran, which could soon be used in the Ukraine conflict. However, Ukrainian officials have said they have not yet seen evidence of Iran-made ballistic missiles being deployed by Russian forces.
On the evening of Thursday, September 12, an armed attack on a border patrol vehicle in Mirjaveh, southeastern Iran, resulted in the deaths of three personnel and left one civilian wounded. The militant group Jaish al-Adl has claimed responsibility for the attack in a statement.
According to local authorities in Sistan and Baluchestan province, unknown gunmen opened fire on a border patrol vehicle in Mirjaveh while it was refueling at a gas station. The attack killed two soldiers and one officer, while a passerby was also injured.
Mojtaba Shamsabadi, the prosecutor for Sistan and Baluchestan, confirmed the details, labeling the incident a “terrorist attack.” He also announced that an investigation had been launched to identify and apprehend the assailants.
Iran’s state media, IRNA, identified the three victims as Lieutenant Mohammad Amin Narouyi and soldiers Parsa Soozani and Amir Ebrahimzadeh. The Halvash news outlet, which covers events in Sistan and Baluchestan, reported earlier that two military personnel were killed and one seriously injured in the attack.
Jaish al-Adl, a militant group active in the region, has engaged in numerous clashes with Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and border forces in recent years. These confrontations have led to the deaths and kidnappings of Iranian forces. Notably, in April, the group launched a coordinated assault on multiple security outposts in southern Sistan and Baluchestan, resulting in 28 deaths, including 10 security personnel and 18 Jaish al-Adl members.
The group, which portrays itself as fighting for the rights of the Sunni minority in Iran, vows to continue its armed struggle until the “liberation” of Sunni areas from the Iranian regime. In January of last year, Jaish al-Adl also claimed responsibility for an attack on a police station in the town of Rask. The U.S. Department of State designated Jaish al-Adl as a terrorist organization in 2019, a classification shared by the Iranian government.
Political activist and former Iranian parliamentarian Faezeh Hashemi Rafsanjani has sharply criticized the actions of fellow prisoners inside Evin Prison in a public letter, stating that her experiences in prison have fundamentally changed her views on political struggle and reform. In the letter, dated September 2024, Hashemi writes, “In this prison, I learned that we, the so-called fighters for freedom, are nothing more than empty vessels and petty dictators. We sing the anthem of freedom and justice, yet we perpetuate oppression in our daily lives.”
Hashemi, the daughter of former Iranian President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani and a founding member of the Executives of Construction Party, has long been an outspoken critic of Iran’s political system. She reiterated her stance against the “lesser of two evils” electoral strategy, having repeatedly stated that she would not vote in elections unless they had a meaningful outcome.
Hashemi, who was imprisoned in 2012 and again in September 2022, faces charges of “collusion against national security,” “propaganda against the regime,” and “disrupting public order through participation in illegal gatherings.” She described writing the letter as “one of the hardest decisions” of her 60-year life: “After 22 months of witnessing, warning, and seeing no result, I had no choice but to write and publish the truth. The people have the right to know the reality.”
In her letter, Hashemi offered a scathing critique of the behavior of some fellow political prisoners in the women’s ward, whom she called “hollow theorists” and “petty dictators.” Without naming individuals, she accused them of reproducing the very authoritarianism they once fought against. “Inmates monitor one another, dictating terms, setting red lines, stripping others of their freedom, and labeling, slandering, and threatening them. Why? Because they don’t fall in line or dare to criticize those in power,” she wrote.
Hashemi compared her current experience with her previous imprisonment in 2012, calling the recent conditions a “degradation of the struggle.” “Unfortunately, some human rights defenders among the prisoners have joined this behavior, acting in a kind of division of labor to dominate others, though with different roles,” she added. Hashemi noted that this dynamic is also visible within the Iranian opposition, both domestically and abroad, and on social media.
Hashemi’s letter also recounts tensions during the recent presidential election, describing how certain prisoners prevented others from voting: “From 8 a.m. to midnight on election day, some prisoners sat in the hallway, monitoring others like security agents and preventing them from voting. The atmosphere was so intimidating that even the guards were afraid to open the doors for voters.” She further wrote that some prisoners, fearing isolation or threats in the confined prison environment, reluctantly participated in protests despite not personally supporting them.
Hashemi concluded that her time in prison has revealed just how far Iranian society is from internalizing democracy, which she believes is a prerequisite for true reform in governance. The release of Hashemi’s letter has sparked significant reactions, with some praising her courage to speak out, while others have criticized her stance. Supporters of Iran’s reformist movement viewed her words as an important warning about the lack of tolerance, even among those who claim to fight for justice. Critics, however, accused her of aligning with the authorities.
Former political prisoner Aliyeh Matalebzadeh criticized the timing of Hashemi’s letter, noting its release coincided with the anniversary of Mahsa (Jina) Amini’s death and the recent protests in the women’s ward of Evin Prison. In a post on X (formerly Twitter), Matalebzadeh wrote, “There’s much to critique in Hashemi’s letter, but the main question is, why release it now, on the anniversary of the ‘Woman, Life, Freedom’ uprising?”
In contrast, journalist and activist Ahmad Zeidabadi praised Hashemi’s letter, describing it as “the voice of the truly voiceless.” He pointed to historical tensions among political prisoners, including those from before the 1979 revolution, warning of the dangers of unchecked ambition and factionalism.
Political commentator Mohammad Aghazadeh also weighed in, likening Hashemi’s descriptions of prison life to the internal conflicts that plagued Iranian political prisoners in the aftermath of the 1979 revolution. “While we can’t verify her claims, history shows us that many post-revolution executions and imprisonments were the result of irreconcilable divisions among former political prisoners,” he wrote on X.
Journalist and translator Mahsa Jazini echoed calls for caution, stressing the need for additional perspectives. “To truly judge Hashemi’s letter, we need to hear from others involved. The overarching narrative might be true, but the details matter, and both sides surely have more to say,” she wrote. Former parliamentarian Parvaneh Salahshouri also expressed support for Hashemi’s letter, noting, “This heartfelt letter shows the deep intolerance that pervades even among prisoners. Our political, social, and cultural landscapes, as well as the judiciary, are in dire need of serious reform and tolerance.”
The sharpest criticisms came from left-leaning activists, with some accusing Hashemi of hypocrisy given her family’s long-standing role in the Islamic Republic. Economic researcher and former political prisoner Khosrow Sadegh Boroujeni noted that the Rafsanjani family has been central to the system Hashemi now criticizes. “If she truly wants to criticize these practices, she must first undertake a ruthless self-examination,” he wrote on X. “Otherwise, she’s playing the regime’s game, siding with the jailer against the prisoner.”
The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) of Iraq has relocated members of the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan to a new camp as part of ongoing efforts tied to a security agreement between Iraq and Iran. The move follows discussions between Kurdish Iranian party leaders and KRG officials.
On September 5, the KRG began transferring Komala members from their previous camp in Zargwez/Zarjoozleh to a new location in Surdash, approximately 70 kilometers north of their original site. The KRG has promised to provide facilities and resources for Komala members and their families in the new camp.
The relocation comes a year after the Tehran-Baghdad security agreement, which aimed to disarm Iranian Kurdish opposition groups and close their military camps in Iraqi Kurdistan. Last year, similar measures led to the evacuation of the headquarters of the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (KDPI) in Gerdachal, near Erbil, as well as camps in Koya, including the “Azadi” and “Zwiya Spi” camps.
In response, the Central Committee of Komala, part of the Communist Party of Iran, condemned the relocation and criticized the security agreement between Tehran and Baghdad, arguing that the details of the accord remain unclear. Komala leaders expressed disappointment after recent talks with Iraqi officials in Sulaymaniyah, stating that the only concession offered was the possibility for their members to live as civilians in cities across the Kurdistan region.
Meanwhile, the human rights organization Hengaw reported that Bezhad Khosravi, a disabled KDPI member who had sought refuge in Iraq, was arrested by KRG security forces and returned to Iran. His family was informed of his extradition by Iranian intelligence officials in Sanandaj. Moloud Sawareh, a member of the KDPI leadership, confirmed the arrest and deportation to the BBC.
Hengaw also reported that Khosravi’s family, who have asylum cases pending with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), have been pressured to leave Sulaymaniyah within 10 days. A UNHCR spokesperson, while not commenting on the specific case, reiterated that under the 1951 Refugee Convention, “no refugee should be returned to a country where their life or freedom is at risk.” The spokesperson added that deportation decisions must be based on an assessment of the specific risks involved.
Tensions between Iran and Kurdish opposition groups in Iraq have escalated since the death of Mahsa (Jina) Amini in September 2022, which triggered widespread protests, particularly in Kurdish-majority areas of Iran. In response, Iran launched missile and drone strikes against the camps of Iranian Kurdish parties based in Iraqi Kurdistan.
Since then, Iranian officials have repeatedly expressed concerns about the activities of Kurdish opposition groups in Iraq during meetings with Iraqi and KRG authorities. These concerns culminated in the signing of a security agreement on March 18, 2023, overseen by Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia’ al-Sudani. The agreement set restrictions on the activities of Iranian Kurdish groups in Iraq, but the full details of the accord have not been publicly disclosed.
Mohammad Kazem Al Sadeq, Iran’s ambassador to Iraq, previously commented on the progress of the security agreement between the two countries, signed two years ago. He stated, “We gave these separatist Kurds the option to relocate to refugee camps and cease their terrorist activities against the Islamic Republic of Iran.” He further added that “Those who are not involved in bloodshed can return to Iran if they choose, while others who prefer to migrate to other countries will receive consular support to facilitate their departure from Iraq.”
The Iranian judiciary has initiated legal proceedings against actress Sahar Dolatshahi for what it described as “dancing” or engaging in “actions contrary to Islamic norms” in a popular web series. The judiciary’s news outlet, Mizan News Agency, announced on Tuesday, September 10, that legal action had also been taken against the producer of the series and the streaming platform Filmnet, which hosts the show. However, further details regarding the nature of the legal action were not provided.
The issue arose from a scene in the seventh episode of Dariush, directed by Hadi Hejazifar, in which Dolatshahi is seen performing dance-like movements alongside veteran actor Atash Taghipour. The show is streamed on Filmnet, a popular online platform for domestic content. While Iranian law requires that all media productions be approved by regulatory authorities before release, this marks an unusual instance of an actor facing legal action for their performance in a production that had already received such approval.
The organization responsible for overseeing and censoring streaming content in Iran, SATRA, operates under the supervision of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB). This authority was previously held by the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance until it was transferred to SATRA by the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution. So far, neither SATRA nor Filmnet have commented on the legal proceedings involving Dariush.
Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, dancing in public has been banned for Iranian women, with authorities refusing to recognize it as a legitimate art form. Shia clerics frequently issue fatwas declaring dance as “forbidden” and an “act of lust.” However, traditional Iranian folk dances performed at cultural events are categorized as “rhythmic movements” to avoid using the term “dance.”
Pari Saberi, a prominent and pioneering figure in Iranian theater, passed away at the age of 92. Known for her innovative work and dedication to the arts, Saberi’s career spanned decades, during which she directed numerous plays and left a lasting legacy on Iranian culture.
Born in 1932 in Kerman, Iran, Saberi pursued her passion for theater and cinema in France after completing her early education. Upon her return to Iran in the early 1960s, she became a key figure in the country’s theatrical scene, translating and directing foreign plays, including Jean-Paul Sartre’s “The Dead Without Burial.” The politically charged play, which depicted the conflict between French resistance fighters and Vichy forces, resonated with Iran’s political climate at the time. Despite receiving initial approval from authorities, the play was shut down by SAVAK after sparking controversy.
Saberi later resigned from the Iranian Theater Organization and continued her work with the Pazar Gard theater group. Among her notable productions was Luigi Pirandello’s “Six Characters in Search of an Author,” in which the acclaimed poet Forough Farrokhzad starred. Saberi praised Farrokhzad’s understanding of the creative process, saying, “Forough was the only one with whom I had no difficulties because she fully grasped the essence of creativity.”
In addition to her theater work, Saberi appeared in two seminal Iranian films: The Hunchback Night by Farrokh Ghaffari and Brick and Mirror by Ebrahim Golestan. After the 1979 Iranian Revolution, Saberi left the country but returned in the late 1980s. While abroad, she wrote the play “Where Am I, Where is Love,” which explored the life of Forough Farrokhzad. In an interview with the Oral History Foundation, Saberi said of Farrokhzad, “She could have been a pioneer in Iran’s women’s movement. When she said, ‘I am free,’ it wasn’t just a claim—she truly loved her freedom.”
In the later stages of her career, Saberi focused on productions inspired by Iranian myths and legends, staging works such as “Layla and Majnun,” “Siavash in the Fire,” “The Seven Labors of Rostam,” and “The Seven Cities of Love.” One of her most celebrated works, Shams-e Parandeh, which she regarded as her greatest achievement, was performed more than 200 times in Iran, Italy, and France by 2016.
Reflecting on her career, Saberi emphasized the importance of preserving and promoting Iran’s rich cultural heritage. “Iran is the heir to a vast cultural legacy, and I believe it is the responsibility of every artist to present this heritage,” she said. “For 25 years, I have worked with this goal in mind. It saddens me to see a lack of attention to our cultural giants. These figures—Rumi, Ferdowsi, Hafez—are universal, and we have a duty to ensure they are recognized globally.”
Saberi also brought Shams-e Parandeh and The Myth of Siavash to the stage at UNESCO’s Paris headquarters. In 2004, she was honored with the Chevalier of Arts and Letters by the French government for her contributions to theater and cultural exchange. NIAC extends its condolences to Pari Saberi’s family and admirers across Iran and around the world.
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