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Week of September 2, 2024 | Iran Unfiltered is a digest tracking Iranian politics & society by the National Iranian American Council
Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian has called for a review of university decisions to dismiss professors and expel students, which were widespread in the wake of the 2022 Woman, Life, Freedom protests. Speaking at the inauguration ceremony for Hossein Simayi Seraf, the new Minister of Science, Research, and Technology, Pezeshkian urged a reassessment of cases involving faculty dismissals and student expulsions, requesting that students be reinstated where possible.
“I ask the Minister of Science to review all contracts of professors who have been dismissed or whose contracts were terminated. Students should be brought back,” Pezeshkian said, adding that he has made similar requests to the Ministers of Health and Education. Pezeshkian emphasized the importance of listening to student grievances, stating: “It’s natural for students to voice their concerns. It is my duty to either accept their valid points or guide them if they are mistaken.”
This call comes in the wake of disciplinary actions against students, many of whom have reported receiving penalties ranging from one to two semesters of suspension, particularly female students accused of defying mandatory hijab rules. Over the past two years, both students and professors who expressed dissent or supported the Woman, Life, Freedom protests have faced arrests, suspensions, and other disciplinary measures.
Among the various policies of President Pezeshkian’s administration, his stance on reinstating dismissed professors and students has attracted the most opposition from conservative circles. The conservative newspaper Kayhan, known for its hardline stance, sharply criticized Pezeshkian’s directive. In a front-page article titled “A Questionable Decision Regarding Universities” and “The Illegal Return of Legally Dismissed Individuals,” the paper argued that the president’s blanket call for reinstatements disregards the legal grounds for many of these dismissals, describing the move as promoting lawlessness. Kayhan pointed to the protests of 2022, during which students chanted slogans against Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, as a source of disruption in the academic environment.
The paper questioned whether Pezeshkian considered actions such as property damage and violent conduct by students during protests to be simply expressions of free speech. In addition to Kayhan, the president’s decision has drawn criticism from Mustafa Rostami, head of the Supreme Leader’s representative office in universities. Rostami referenced the case of Ali Entazari, former dean of the Social Sciences faculty at Allameh Tabataba’i University, who was dismissed after controversially using the term “Nefleh” to describe Mahsa Amini’s death. Despite Entazari’s apology, his removal prompted further debate on the boundaries of free speech and responsibility within academia.
Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has condemned Russia’s backing of the proposed Zangezur Corridor, calling any attempt to redraw regional borders a “red line” for Tehran. Araghchi’s remarks came in response to recent discussions between Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev and Russian President Vladimir Putin regarding the opening of a transport corridor linking western Azerbaijan to the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic through Armenian territory.
The proposed Zangezur Corridor would sever the land border between Iran and Armenia, potentially isolating Iran’s East Azerbaijan Province from a key transit route to Europe. This would increase Iran’s dependency on Azerbaijan and Turkey for trade routes, a prospect Tehran views as a significant geopolitical threat.
In a post on the social media platform X (formerly Twitter) on September 6, 2024, Araghchi stated, “Any threat to the territorial integrity of our neighbors, or redrawing borders—whether in the north, south, east, or west—is absolutely unacceptable and is considered a red line for Iran.” Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov has expressed support for opening the corridor, stating that Moscow is committed to facilitating a peace agreement between Baku and Yerevan and reopening regional transport routes. Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova also confirmed Russia’s stance, stating that any solution must be acceptable to all regional parties, including Armenia, Azerbaijan, and their neighbors.
The development has sparked strong reactions from Iranian officials. Mohsen Rezaei, a senior member of Iran’s Expediency Council, criticized Moscow’s position, saying, “The actions of Russian officials regarding the Zangezur Corridor and Iran’s three islands are unacceptable and contradict their claims of friendship and strategic relations with Iran.” In an earlier meeting in August with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei had expressed Tehran’s firm opposition to the corridor, arguing that it would undermine Iran’s national interests.
Following Lavrov’s comments, Iran took swift diplomatic action, summoning Russia’s ambassador to Tehran, Alexey Dedov, to protest Moscow’s support for the corridor. Iranian officials stressed that respect for national sovereignty and territorial integrity is crucial to maintaining peace and cooperation in the Caucasus region.
The Zangezur Corridor would connect Azerbaijan’s mainland to Nakhchivan through Armenia’s Syunik Province. The plan was a part of the 2020 Moscow-brokered ceasefire agreement between Azerbaijan and Armenia, which was struck after an outbreak in the Nagorno-Karabakh war. However, the corridor has become a point of contention, with Iran warning that its implementation would significantly alter the region’s geopolitical landscape.
Tehran has consistently opposed the corridor in diplomatic discussions with Russia, Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Turkey, citing concerns over regional stability and its own strategic interests. Iranian officials believe the move would threaten their economic and security interests, shift the regional balance of power, and potentially allow greater Western influence in the South Caucasus.
The Zangezur corridor has emerged as a rare flash point in Iran-Russia relations, which otherwise have experienced deepening relations especially in military cooperation amid Russia’s war on Ukraine. Iran emphasizes that any solution must preserve the region’s current borders and maintain Iran’s access to key transport routes.
In his first televised interview as Iran’s president, Masoud Pezeshkian emphasized the need for over $100 billion in foreign investment to double the country’s economic growth from 4% to 8%. However, he acknowledged that achieving this goal would depend heavily on Iran’s foreign relations.
Speaking on Saturday night (August 31), Pezeshkian addressed the challenges his administration faces in balancing the country’s energy shortages and the strain on domestic industries. “Experts and economists suggest that reaching 8% growth requires an investment of $200 to $250 billion. For this, we need substantial foreign investment,” he said during an interview with Iran’s state television.
Pezeshkian noted that Iran currently holds just over $100 billion in reserves and would need an additional $100 billion from foreign sources. “This depends on our connections with the outside world, our neighbors, and the Iranian diaspora,” he added.
Regarding domestic policies, Pezeshkian said that the Seventh Development Plan formed under the Raisi administration would serve as the cornerstone of his economic strategy, but emphasized the need for reforms if necessary. He also stressed the importance of resolving internal conflicts and improving relations with neighboring countries and the broader international community, as the economy is closely tied to foreign affairs.
Addressing the numerous challenges his administration is grappling with, including issues in education, healthcare, and agriculture, Pezeshkian remarked, “They say we inherited something great, but we don’t have enough funds. We aren’t complaining, but we’ve sought permission from the leadership to dip into the national development fund to settle some debts.”
The following day (September 1), Iran’s Supreme Economic Coordination Council announced that Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei had approved Pezeshkian’s request to reduce the share of the National Development Fund by 20% for this year. This adjustment has allowed the government to add $350 trillion rials (approximately $1.2 billion) to its development budget, addressing payments owed to wheat farmers and truckers. The parliament had originally set the fund’s share from oil and gas revenues at 40%, which was later revised down to 20%.
When asked whether inflation would drop to 30% by year-end, Pezeshkian said, “This goal depends on both global developments and domestic issues.” Iran’s official inflation rate has fallen from nearly 50% in May of last year to below 35% currently.
The Iranian president also acknowledged the impact of severe U.S. and European sanctions on the nation’s economy but emphasized the importance of treating citizens with compassion. Pezeshkian announced plans for his first foreign trip to Iraq, followed by attendance at the United Nations General Assembly in New York. “In New York, we aim to encourage Iranians living abroad to either return or at least invest in their homeland. Many of them have a deep connection to Iran. We can address their concerns and bring some back, or have them invest here,” he stated.
He added, “Our slogan, ‘Iran for all,’ is about inclusivity. Iran isn’t just for one group or faction. We should be proud to have Iranians contributing to the country. We need to assure them that returning to Iran won’t lead to persecution, and they’ll remain free to travel.”
Renowned Iranian poet and lyricist Mohammad Ali Bahmani passed away at the age of 82 in a Tehran hospital on Friday night. According to reports from his family, Bahmani had been hospitalized in June following a stroke and his condition had worsened in recent days.
Born on April 16, 1942, near Dezful, Bahmani was a celebrated figure in Iran’s literary and musical circles. His first poetry collection, Bagh-e Laleh (The Garden of Tulips), was published in 1971. His career in broadcasting began in 1966 when he started collaborating with Radio Iran, later producing and hosting the poetry program Safheh-ye Sher (The Poetry Page) for the local Persian Gulf network.
Bahmani’s contributions to Iran’s music scene were significant, as he worked with prominent artists both before and after the 1979 Revolution. His collaborations included famous musicians such as Emad Ram, Ramesh, Homeira, Shadmehr Aghili, Naser Abdollahi, and Homayoun Shajarian. His lyrics shaped some of Iran’s most iconic songs.
Throughout his life, Bahmani’s poetry remained central to his identity, with themes of the sea—reflecting his deep connection to southern Iran—playing a prominent role in his work. Though he never directly criticized the government, Bahmani’s poetry often conveyed his sentiments on political and social issues through metaphor and symbolism, particularly using imagery of the sea to voice his frustrations.
His involvement in the Iranian poetry scene dates back to his early years. As a young boy, Bahmani worked at the printing house of Roshangari magazine, where he met renowned poet Fereydoon Moshiri. Moshiri recognized Bahmani’s talent and published his first poem in the magazine when Bahmani was just 11 years old.
In 1963, Bahmani joined Radio Tehran during the golden age of Iranian music, contributing to timeless songs such as “Gheseh-ye Del” performed by Emad Ram and “Zehn-e Ghafas” sung by Homeira. Between 1971 and 1977, Bahmani published four poetry collections, including Amiyanehha (Colloquialisms) and Gisoo, Kolah, Kafteh (Hair, Hat, Dove).
After the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Bahmani continued to publish poetry, releasing books such as Sometimes I Miss Myself in 1990 and Ghazal Zendegi Konim (Let’s Live the Ghazal) in 2013. His poetry was characterized by its emotional depth and simplicity, with works like “What Fires” sung by Homayoun Shajarian and “Pardeh-Neshin” performed by Alireza Ghorbani showcasing his lyrical mastery.
In later years, Bahmani served as the head of the Poetry and Songwriting Council at Iran’s Ministry of Culture. However, in 2018, he resigned from the position, expressing frustration with the limitations and censorship in the country’s music industry. His resignation came after a public dispute over the release of Mohsen Chavoshi’s album Ebrahim, which was delayed due to lyrical content deemed inappropriate by the ministry.
Despite his resignation, Bahmani remained active in the literary community, reuniting with his peers during public events. In 2019, he celebrated his 77th birthday at a poetry night hosted by Bukhara magazine, where his humor and love for poetry were evident.
The passing of Mohammad Ali Bahmani marks the end of an era in Persian poetry and songwriting. His legacy as a poet and lyricist will continue to inspire generations of Iranians. His profound connection to the sea, which symbolized both beauty and protest in his works, remains one of the defining aspects of his poetry. The National Iranian American Council (NIAC) extends its condolences to Bahmani’s family, friends, and all those who admired his contributions to Persian literature and music.
In a letter from Evin Prison, former Iranian official Mostafa Tajzadeh addressed Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, accusing the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) of fabricating a new case against him. Tajzadeh, a prominent political figure and critic of the regime, revealed that the IRGC’s intelligence wing has, for the seventh time, charged him with “gathering and colluding to commit crimes against national security” and “propaganda against the Islamic Republic.”
According to Tajzadeh, this latest case has been initiated under the “direct orders or approval” of the Supreme Leader. In his letter, Tajzadeh emphasized the long toll his imprisonment has taken: “To date, without counting the three years left on my current sentence or any possible new convictions, I have spent nine years and two months in prison solely for criticizing you, who have led the country into its current miserable state.”
Tajzadeh reiterated his refusal to appear in court, as a form of protest against what he called the “injustice” within Iran’s judicial system. “I will not attend the court in protest of the prevailing injustice, nor will I defend myself. One of the notorious judges can easily sentence me to an additional six years in prison, with five years of that being enforceable,” he wrote.
Tajzadeh, who served as Deputy Minister of the Interior during Mohammad Khatami’s presidency, has faced multiple imprisonments since 2009. He is currently serving a five-year sentence handed down in July 2022. Reflecting on the pattern of his increasing sentences, Tajzadeh recalled how, after President Hassan Rouhani’s election in 2013, his six-year prison term was extended to seven years. “Now, it seems my current five-year sentence could be increased to ten years,” he wrote.
The 67-year-old Tajzadeh warned that any additional sentence at his age would amount to a life sentence, signaling a broader message aimed at discouraging criticism of the Supreme Leader and the IRGC. Concluding his letter with a prayer, Tajzadeh stated, “I pray that my time in Evin serves as atonement for my sins. I also pray for you, that the Merciful God grants you the opportunity to repent for your errors and injustices before we appear in the court of divine justice. There, you will be equal to others and will have no power—certainly not absolute power—and will answer for every word and action.”
Reformist activist Abbas Abdi also commented on Tajzadeh’s letter, reiterating his concerns over the potential extension of his prison sentence and his continued stand against the regime’s suppression of criticism. He calls for an end to what he describes as a “vicious cycle.” In a recent statement, Abdi highlighted the futility of the current approach, where the government suppresses dissent while opponents continue their critiques. “The latest letter from Mr. Mostafa regarding his new case is a clear indication of this vicious cycle,” Abdi wrote. “To put it bluntly, one side believes it is justified in adopting this approach, while the other side cites the law to justify its actions. This path leads nowhere and produces no tangible results. The only solution is to break this cycle, and whoever takes the first step will emerge victorious.”
Abdi suggested that the government should take the initiative in changing the situation. “The first move should come from the government. If they take this step, political forces must respond positively and not view it as a defeat. This will gradually move us away from the confrontational, zero-sum game that has defined the political landscape for too long.”
He went on to propose potential solutions, suggesting that Tajzadeh could either adapt his language to the current political process or remain silent, allowing others to speak on his behalf. This, he argued, might be more effective for both the political climate and Tajzadeh’s case.
“The government’s task is simpler,” Abdi continued. “They can facilitate the unconditional release of most political prisoners today. The benefits far outweigh any potential backlash. If not for the 2023 winter amnesty, we would still be grappling with one of the largest political crises. If they are concerned, they can at least grant these prisoners temporary furloughs. Such actions would represent a significant political achievement for the government.” Abdi’s comments reflect a growing call for reconciliation and an end to the entrenched standoff between the Iranian government and its critics, signaling a possible path toward political reform.
According to human rights sources, the Iranian Supreme Court has upheld the sentences for those involved in the killing of Mohammad Jameh-Bozorg, who was shot dead in his home during the 2022 protests in Karaj. The court confirmed the initial verdicts against both the shooter and those who ordered the attack.
Reports published on Sunday, September 1, by human rights platforms and social media indicate that the Supreme Court rejected the appeal of the officer who shot Jameh-Bozorg, stating that the reasons for overturning the initial verdict were insufficient. The court upheld the lower court’s decision, confirming the officer’s conviction.
Branch 29 of the Supreme Court ruled that the security officer, who was sentenced to qisas (retribution in kind) for murder, did not meet the criteria for an appeal. Human rights lawyer Payam Derafshan, representing Jameh-Bozorg’s family, shared the news on the social media platform X, formerly known as Twitter. Additionally, two other officers present at the scene of the killing were sentenced to prison for their roles in ordering the attack.
Jameh-Bozorg, a resident of Malard, Karaj and carpet shop owner, was killed on the night of September 25, 2022 during the “Woman, Life, Freedom” protests. After protesters faced security forces’ attacks, some sought refuge in Jameh-Bozorg’s house. The security forces entered his yard, but Jameh-Bozorg resisted their attempts to arrest the protesters. This resistance fueled the anger of local IRGC and Basij officers, who sought revenge.
Jameh-Bozorg believed the incident was over and ignored a verbal threat from a motorcycle officer the following day, who demanded that either he or one of his sons report to the local security office for questioning. Unbeknownst to him, the night before, officers had marked his house for “sheltering protesters.”
Masoud, Jameh-Bozorg’s son, recounted the events of that fateful night to the Shargh newspaper. “At 3 a.m. on September 24, there was a knock on the door. I saw someone wearing a medical mask through the security camera, and I suspected they were an officer. I told my father, but he assured me we had nothing to worry about. However, my brother Meysam and I were concerned about our own arrests, so we fled to a neighbor’s house through the roof.”
Officers, without a warrant for Jameh-Bozorg’s arrest or to search the house, climbed the walls and pursued him. Upon confronting the officers, Jameh-Bozorg resisted, declaring, “Even if there are a thousand of you, you cannot take me without a warrant.” The lead officer threatened him, saying, “If we call the second team, they will kill you.”
When Jameh-Bozorg continued his resistance, the first team summoned reinforcements. According to his wife, Maryam Jafari, taller officers from the second team arrived, confined Jameh-Bozorg to the upper floor of the house, and moved to the roof.
Jafari described hearing a heavy object hitting the ground, followed by a gunshot. Forensic investigations later confirmed that Jameh-Bozorg was shot at close range, approximately one meter away, with a pellet gun aimed directly at his eye, causing the bullet to shatter in his brain. Attorney Payam Derafshan, who has been following the case, noted that the forensic expert concluded the shot was fired with lethal intent, which led to the shooter being charged with first-degree murder. The court’s ruling brings a measure of finality to the case, though human rights advocates continue to note than the vast majority of cases of state violence against protesters during the “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement were conducted with total impunity.
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