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THE ENERGY HAS CHANGED. THE UNDERLYING POLITICS HAVE NOT.
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Max Elbaum
July 31, 2024
Convergence
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_ The mood among opponents of MAGA has shifted dramatically. But the
electoral map hasn’t changed, and the Gaza genocide continues. What
does this mean for progressives and the socialist Left? _
, Convergence
The Joe Biden-to-Kamala Harris handoff has produced a dramatic shift
in mood among all opponents of MAGA’s white Christian Nationalist
agenda. The gloom about prospects for defeating authoritarianism in
2024 that hung in the air for months has been replaced by a surge of
energy and hope.
That hope can produce a big win in November, but only if it is
translated into effective action grounded in realism. The balance of
forces that existed before Biden withdrew remains the same. Likewise
unchanged are the differing political programs of those contending for
power—the MAGA-controlled GOP, the Biden-Harris (now Harris-?) wing
of the Democratic Party, and the still-developing progressive trend
that started to take its current shape in 2016.
To begin sorting through the complexities of the moment, let’s
examine what forced Biden to step down.
Ceasefire movement laid the groundwork
The unprecedented movement for a ceasefire and an end to US complicity
with the Israeli genocide in Gaza laid the groundwork for Biden’s
withdrawal. The sustained protests consistently spotlighted the moral
bankruptcy and political cowardice of a President whose “red
lines” were just hot air. They were irrefutable evidence that Biden
had alienated large numbers in constituencies absolutely essential to
any electoral victory.
That meant the pump was already primed for change when Biden’s
debate debacle showed the world that he was unable to effectively
combat Trump even on the issues where he had actual accomplishments or
had majority support.
That combination punctured the bubble of denial that had pervaded the
Democratic Party leadership for the last year. For several weeks,
leaks and speculation about their ensuing rethink filled the
headlines.
On the broad Left, the conversation about what was underway reflected
the widespread opinion that mainstream Democrats don’t offer a
program that can inspire the working-class majority and are
incompetent at messaging even when they do something positive. But the
Democratic leadership’s apparent paralysis while facing the prospect
of a landslide defeat seemed to bolster the idea that mainstream
Democrats are mired in denial about the danger from the Right, and
only get combative when they battle the Left.
But then the hammer came down. Led by their toughest and savviest
heavyweight, Nancy Pelosi, top Democrats faced facts and moved to push
Biden out. And once they succeeded, they quickly got behind Kamala
Harris and gave her the green light: Make this a fight.
And Kamala Harris came out swinging.
Three lessons
There are three lessons here.
One, even before a militant grassroots movement achieves its immediate
goal (in this case, a ceasefire) it can alter political dynamics in
the country.
Two, by playing a sparkplug role in forcing Biden to withdraw, the
movement for a ceasefire and Palestinian rights showed once again that
it is at the cutting edge in the fight for peace and for consistent
opposition to fascism.
Three, a Left that opts to sit out the fight because it objects to the
weaknesses and inconsistencies in mainstream Democrats’ opposition
to fascism will have little credibility with the millions whose
spirits have been lifted by the one-two punch of Biden being forced
out and Harris launching what is shaping up as the most combative
Democratic presidential campaign in decades.
This is energy at scale
The speed and scale of the energy surge underway has outstripped
anything since the first Women’s March on January 21, 2017 and the
uprising that began immediately after the police murder of George
Floyd on May 25, 2020.
Within days of the baton being passed, 44,000 Black women
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a Zoom that raised $1.5 million and more than 20,000 Black men
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a call and raised over $1 million. Groups that had been struggling to
recruit people to postcard, text and canvass got flooded with
volunteers. Showing Up For Racial Justice [[link removed]] (SURJ)
sponsored a series of three calls for white people and more than
20,000 registered. A “White Women Answer the Call” session
initiated by anti-gun violence activist and founder of Moms Demand
Action Shannon Watts broke the record for the largest Zoom call ever
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164,000 participants.
This outpouring reflects the deep and wide hunger for a fighting
response to what millions of people in the US regard as an existential
threat to their rights and livelihoods. It’s not that tens of
thousands studied Kamala’s political positions and decided they were
better than Biden’s, though many of course hope they are. The shift
in mood that is translating into action is not driven by a change in
policy. THE SURGE IS DRIVEN BY A CALL TO FIGHT.
Voices in the progressive wing of the anti-MAGA front – electeds
like Bernie, AOC and Cori Bush, labor leaders like Shawn Fain,
people’s organizations like the Working Families Party and
Progressive Democrats of America – have been working to rouse the
electorate all along. But it’s hard to build excitement when the
electoral standard-bearer’s posture signals the exact opposite of
the militancy needed. Once Kamala showed she could take the gloves
off, the dam burst.
What about the politics?
The contrast between Harris and Biden on fighting mode is not matched
by a comparable difference in their political programs. Harris has,
after all, been a loyal part of the current administration and has
long functioned within the parameters of the Democratic mainstream.
And initial indications are that she is assembling her campaign team
and the advisers who will flank her if she is elected from the same
pool of insiders that have surrounded Biden.
That said, Harris comes from a different political generation and has
not been as cocooned as Biden from current cultural trends and the
sentiments in younger generations. That shows in some of her rhetoric,
and it means that she is likely to be more susceptible to pressure on
several key issues than Biden has been.
Both the inertia and the potential openings in the above combination
have already shown up in Harris’ positioning on the Gaza genocide
and US support for Israel. She continues to pledge “unwavering”
support for Israel, she issued a terrible statement denouncing the
protests against Netanyahu’s speech to Congress, and she gives no
sign she is breaking with the administration on any concrete action
item. But she did break tradition and skip Netanyahu’s speech;
her on-camera remarks
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meeting privately with him lifted up the importance of Palestinian
life in a way Biden never could manage, and her stress on achieving a
ceasefire has reportedly
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Israeli officials nervous.
Only continuing pressure will reveal whether Harris can be moved from
words to real action. A new vehicle for such pressure is the Not
Another Bomb [[link removed]] initiative just
launched by the Uncommitted Movement. Like the hundreds of thousands
of uncommitted primary votes that played a big part in priming the
pump for Biden to withdraw, this new campaign has the potential to
turn the shifting sentiment among left-of-centner constituencies and
young people generally and the Democratic voting base in particular
into a powerful political force.
The potential for change here is underscored by looking again at Nancy
Pelosi. Pelosi skipped Netanyahu’s speech, saying afterwards
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it was “by far the worst presentation of any foreign dignitary
invited and honored with the privilege of addressing the Congress of
the United States.” She stated that Netanyahu’s time would be
better spent achieving a ceasefire. That kind of stance coming from
this powerful Democratic stalwart is clear evidence that the movement
for Palestine has made a difference, and is a huge incentive not just
to keep up but to intensify our efforts. And another big battle on
this front, Cori Bush vs. AIPAC, is right around the corner.
The same goes for immigration, real action to combat climate change,
and every other issue on which progressives differ with mainstream
Democrats. Defeating MAGA is an essential step on the road to changing
the country, but so is building the clout to force deep-going change
as the fascists are pushed back.
Progressives are seizing the moment
Because of the gains progressives have made since 2016—including
important shifts in the labor movement—we now have both influential
figures and organizational infrastructure to make a difference in this
new climate. The sophistication now exists to move in a way that
strengthens the overall anti-MAGA front, grows the clout of social
justice organizations, and moves the Democratic mainstream closer to
our positions on key policy issues.
This does not require tactical uniformity in the progressive camp. As
of this writing, for example, the United Auto Workers and Rashida
Tlaib are withholding their endorsements, stressing the pressure side
of this moment of new opportunity. Other Squad members—Cori Bush,
Ilhan Omar, AOC and Ayanna Presley —have all endorsed Kamala, as
have the AFL-CIO and numerous national unions (Service Employees
International Union, American Federation of Teachers, National
Education Association) and grassroots progressive organizations
(Community Change Action, March for Our Lives, Black Voters Matter).
Of particular note is the increased cooperation among progressive
national and local groups reflected in common messaging and
coordination of practical efforts. On July 25, the Working Families
Party, Center for Popular Democracy Action, and People’s
Action jointly announced
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endorsement of Harris and “PLEDGED TO MOBILIZE THEIR NATIONAL MEMBER
BASES TO KNOCK ON OVER 5 MILLION DOORS IN KEY BATTLEGROUND STATES,
INCLUDING MICHIGAN, WISCONSIN, PENNSYLVANIA, NEVADA, AND ARIZONA.”
The Working Families Party also has been joined by SURJ, Seed the Vote
and the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL) in a common 2024 effort of
political education and action
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long-term strategy to gain governing power. In explaining WFP’s plan
to “make 2024 a win for working people” and forge a new center of
gravity within the progressive movement, WfP director Maurice
Mitchell wrote
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“We must block MAGA extremists from seizing governing power, and we
must build the most viable, durable political vehicle that is beholden
and accountable to the people and not the wealthy and corporations.”
Where are the socialists?
When faced with the threat (or reality) of authoritarian or fascist
rule, socialists, communists, and revolutionaries in most times and
places have sought to galvanize the broadest possible front in defense
of democratic space, and to rally the most progressive forces in their
society to contend for influence and leadership within that front.
Some socialists are taking that kind of approach to US politics today.
Framing the 2024 election as one essential-to-win fight in the
long-term battle to win working-class political power, several
socialist groups are throwing themselves into the anti-MAGA fight with
all they’ve got.
These include the Communist Party USA, whose resolution on the 2024
elections
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a “call to action to help build and actively participate in the
broad all-people’s front to block fascism”; the Committees of
Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism whose editorial
statement
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titled “The Core of Our 2024 Elections: Democracy vs. Fascism”;
and Liberation Road, which has issued a statement titled “Block,
Broaden, Build:
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Elections and the Threefold Tasks of the Left.”
These three groups are also joined by the newly formed North Star
Socialist Organization, which emerged out of a years-long process of
strategy discussion and cadre development. Their Movement Mission
2024
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says: “Block the Right and Build the Left must be leftists’
guiding orientation for 2024 and upcoming years. Blocking the Right
this year must include defeating the Donald Trump and MAGA campaign to
commandeer the power of the presidency…”
All these formations have the potential for growing their influence in
the newly energized anti-MAGA front. The Liberation Road and North
Star groups are especially well- positioned to boost the influence and
anti-MAGA contributions of some of the progressive world’s most
dynamic sectors: many of their members are already embedded in labor
and many of the state-based power-building organizations and
issue-focused organizing networks that relate to the Working Families
Party-led motion noted above.
But these groups, even taken together, are far smaller than the
largest socialist group in the US, Democratic Socialists of America
(DSA). Unfortunately, the current majority on the leadership body of
DSA does not agree with positioning the organization within the
anti-MAGA front and assigns little importance to most of that
front’s progressive wing. They refrain from a call to defeat MAGA in
2024, instead calling for a focus on building a new party
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an alternative to both the Republicans and Democrats.
Many DSA members—perhaps a majority—disagree with this view. So
while the organization as such sits out the 2024 presidential
contest as it did in 2020
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many of these members will be doing what they can to defeat MAGA,
especially at the local and state levels, and trying to preserve
relationships with those progressives and socialists who are throwing
themselves into the anti-fascist fight. Hopefully, their efforts will
succeed. But the stance of DSA’s national leadership is not just a
missed opportunity for DSA, it is an obstacle to accomplishing those
goals.
US-style fascism is on the march. Among most of the constituencies
existentially threatened by MAGA there is a surge of new energy for
taking on the electoral fight against it. Victory or defeat will still
come down to close votes in six battleground states. And with a woman
of African American and Asian descent heading the anti-MAGA ticket, we
can expect that the racist and sexist tropes floated in the last week
will only increase in both viciousness and quantity.
The mood shift produced by the Biden-to-Harris handoff will not by
itself produce the changes we need. But the combative energy unleashed
is an essential element in moving this country, and failure to connect
to it, build it, and fight for influence over its political direction,
is to miss the moment.
The gender myopia in this passage from Shakespeare’s _Julius
Caesar_ stands out at a time when it is largely women’s energy that
is driving US politics. But still, these lines capture the moment:
“There is a tide in the affairs of men
Which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune;
Omitted, all the voyage of their life
Is bound in shallows and in miseries.
On such a full sea are we now afloat;
And we must take the current when it serves,
Or lose our ventures.”
* elections
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* Donald Trump
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* Kamala Harris
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* Israel/Gaza
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* Ceasefire
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* Politics
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* Left Politics
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