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Week of July 15, 2024 | Iran Unfiltered is a weekly digest tracking Iranian politics & society by the National Iranian American Council - sign up to receive it in your inbox here.
Mohammad Javad Zarif announced that committees have been formed to review ministerial candidates for Masoud Pezeshkian’s government. In an Instagram video on July 14, Zarif explained that the “Transition Period Steering Council,” chaired by him, serves as an advisory body for Pezeshkian and has been actively meeting since his victory was declared.
In Iran, due to the absence of powerful parties, the process of appointing the cabinet has typically been a non-transparent process and relies on the president’s decision. Pezeshkian, in cooperation with Zarif, is advertising a more transparent process of choosing ministers, apparently factoring in the opinions of political elites, academics, and ethnic and religious minorities.
Zarif stated that input on the cabinet’s composition has been sought from academic and professional associations, political parties, and even opposition parties and Pezeshkian’s electoral rivals. The Steering Council is composed of expert committees, each comprising at least 12 specialists from diverse political and professional backgrounds, who are evaluating the proposed candidates. Overall, 450 individuals are reportedly involved in this evaluation process.
Zarif emphasized that every committee includes at least one woman and one representative from ethnic and religious minorities, groups that historically have had minimal governmental roles in Iran. Each committee also reportedly includes two university experts, two non-academic specialists, representatives from reformist fronts and other parties, professional associations, grassroots organizations, and the private sector. Notably, some of the constituencies represented face significant operational restrictions in Iran. The former foreign minister highlighted that the committee secretaries are also predominantly young, under 40, with most under 30 years old. Earlier, Zarif had also mentioned that five young members of Pezeshkian’s campaign team were selected as committee secretaries.
Zarif further stated that 60% of the proposed individuals should be under 55 years old and that 60% should be new to cabinet positions. The criteria for nomination include expertise, meritocracy, resilience, flexibility, and foreign interaction. Pezeshkian’s proposed ministers must obtain approval from a parliament that is not entirely aligned with him, posing a potential obstacle in the transition process. Relatedly, Zarif has previously expressed doubts about his own ministerial approval under the current parliament.
In Iran’s system, key ministerial appointments require the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei’s consent. It is not clear to what extent Khamenei is willing to accept the nominees that Pezeshkian puts forward. Zarif, who served as Foreign Minister under Hassan Rouhani, recently denied claims of political pressure from figures like former President Mohammad Khatami regarding Pezeshkian’s cabinet selections.
On July 17, in a television interview, Zarif reiterated that individuals not aligning with the president’s discourse would not be included in the cabinet, although electoral rivals, including Saeed Jalili, were invited to propose potential candidates. Zarif also stated that nominations were solicited from national figures like Khatami, Rouhani, Haddad-Adel, Qalibaf, Jalili, reformist movements, and active scientific associations, with submissions accepted until the next day. Despite these inclusions, he clarified that the cabinet would not be a coalition but rather a national unity government, comprising individuals supportive of the president’s vision. He added that reformists, independents, moderates, and even some conservatives who supported them in the second electoral round would contribute to the government, making their participation legitimate rather than opportunistic.
Masoud Pezeshkian, Iran’s president-elect, detailed his administration’s policies in an article for the Tehran Times, also published in Persian by the newspaper Etemad. He criticized European and American policies, advocating for stronger ties with China, Russia, and neighboring Arab countries, while expressing readiness to improve relations with Europe based on equality and mutual respect.
Pezeshkian won in the second round of Iran’s 14th presidential elections, besting his hardline opponent Saeed Jalili with just under half of the Iranian electorate casting ballots. His inauguration will be confirmed by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei next Sunday July 28, followed by his swearing-in two days later.
In his article, “My Message to the New World,” Pezeshkian emphasized prioritizing relations with neighboring countries and urged Arab nations to cooperate in securing a ceasefire in Gaza. He harshly criticized Israel, accusing it of genocide in its military campaign against the Palestinians. Separately, reflecting priorities from his predecessor Ebrahim Raisi, he identified China and Russia as Iran’s “strategic partners” and pledged to expand and strengthen bilateral cooperation.
Addressing Russia’s military aggression in Ukraine, Pezeshkian stated his administration would actively support diplomatic initiatives to end the conflict. Pezeshkian also addressed Iran’s relations with Europe, accusing European governments of violating the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) while unreasonably expecting Iran to fulfill its commitments unilaterally. He reiterated his willingness to steer relations towards a path based on mutual respect and equality.
Relations between Iran and Europe deteriorated following the U.S. withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal and further declined under Raisi. European countries have expressed concerns over Iran’s nuclear program and human rights violations and imposed extensive sanctions on Iranian military entities that engaged in drone sales to Russia, which have been used against Ukraine in the ongoing war.
In his article, Pezeshkian criticized U.S. policies, particularly its withdrawal from the JCPOA and support for Israel, while also clarifying that Iran’s defense doctrine does not include developing nuclear weapons. Recently, senior Iranian officials, including Kamal Kharrazi and Abbas Araghchi, have confirmed Iran’s capability to build nuclear weapons but maintained that there is no intention to do so. Pezeshkian concluded by stating that the Iranian people have given him a strong mandate to pursue constructive international engagement while upholding Iran’s rights, dignity, and rightful role in the region and the world.
Reza Pahlavi’s recent speech at NatCon 4 – a political convention featuring conservative commentators and political figures – signified a significant shift in the rhetoric of the former royal who has long resided in the U.S. state of Maryland. Pahlavi’s family, including the former Shah of Iran, left their former homeland amid the turmoil of the Islamic Revolution of 1979 that saw Ayatollah Khomeini consolidate power atop the Islamic Republic. NatCon 4, held amid the U.S. electoral race, featured influential figures, including Senator J.D. Vance, Trump’s newly selected Vice Presidential candidate.
Pahlavi has taken many positions from abroad and has a significant number of supporters in the diaspora, some of whom held positions of prominence and influence under the Shah’s government. At times, Pahlavi has supported engagement, including by coming out in support of the 2015 nuclear deal. More recently, he attempted to align himself with other opposition figures – including Hamed Esmaeilion, Shirin Ebadi, Abdullah Mohtadi, Masih Alinejad, Nazanin Boniadi, Golshifteh Farahani, and Ali Karimi – who tapped in to popular animosity toward the Iranian government amid the 2022 Woman, Life, Freedom. At a conference at Georgetown University in Washington, DC held in 2023, Pahlavi emphasized unity among diverse political forces, encouraging them to set aside differences for Iran’s freedom, stressing that democracy would prevail in the long run. However, shortly after the publication of a common Charter outlining a path to change Iran’s governance from the Islamic Republic to a democratic system, the coalition soon fell victim to infighting with some observers pinning the blame for disunity on Pahlavi and his radical supporters.
However, Pahlavi’s recent rhetoric at NatCon 4 indicates a departure from his previous rhetoric that indicated support for an inclusive approach leading to some form of democratic governance. In the speech, Pahlavi criticized U.S. policies towards Iran as weak and naive, arguing that these policies have failed to address the radical and unchangeable nature of the regime, which he claims cannot be negotiated with or reasoned with logically. He stated:
“For 45 years, Iran has been taken captive and my compatriots have been held hostage. They have been held hostage not by American sanctions or Western policies but by radical Islamism. But Western political elites have indeed been accomplices– not only in my compatriots being held hostage but accomplices in the crimes against your own citizens and nations. The chief accomplice of the ayatollahs in their violent march to their global caliphate has been American political naïveté about the true nature of this regime and European guilt and fears of ‘Islamophobia.’”
Pahlavi attributes the continuation of the Islamic regime partly to global interests that benefit from its presence. He further stated that:
“There are global interests who would rather see the Islamist regime in Iran stay in power. They’re making too much money, taking too much advantage, or perhaps it’s simply too convenient. I know this because I’ve had powerful men, wealthy men, well-connected men tell me to stop the fight, to give up the effort because they have grander, global plans at work.”
This conspiratorial approach seems intended to tap into American conservative rhetoric about “globalists” manipulating events, which has often been criticized as having antisemitic roots. Moreover, it is far from a dispassionate view of Western policies throughout the history of the Islamic Republic, which has been dominated by sanctions and pressure with only a short break for the implementation of the 2015 deal, which Pahlavi then stated his support for.
In proposing an alternative to the Islamic Republic, Pahlavi advocated for a return to indigenous institutions, hinting strongly that monarchy is a better approach for the Iranian people. Pahlavi cited the post-Taliban Afghan Parliament’s support for a constitutional monarchy under Zahir Shah as a missed opportunity due to the U.S. imposition of incompatible Western structures, which he alleges led to corruption and state collapse.
Pahlavi emphasizes that such mistakes should not be repeated in Iran and rejects “appeasement” of the so-called radical Islamists who he alleges have taken Iran hostage and extended their conflict to American soil. Instead, he called for “A path that rejects war and the imposition of inorganic Western constructs on a proud and ancient nation. This new path, this third way, requires maximum pressure on the Islamic Republic and maximum support for the Iranian people.”
Utilizing the rhetoric of American hardline groups, Pahlavi portrayed Iran as a primary threat to Western civilization and the U.S., likening the current situation to what happened to Iran 45 years ago under what he described as a coalition of radical Marxists and Islamists. He even claimed that analyses opposing his views on recent Iranian elections in American media are the work of Iranian spies within those media outlets.
Pahlavi concluded by urging Americans to combat the radical ideology of the Islamic Republic and its supporters in Washington, indirectly referencing the upcoming U.S. elections.
In this latest shift, Pahlavi appears to have aimed to position himself as a diaspora figure eager to work with a possible future Trump administration for a regime change project. However, his apparent disavowal of democratic structures puts him at odds both with much popular sentiment in American discourse regarding Iran and among activists on the ground in Iran who have consistently voiced support for democracy and rejected replacing one authoritarian government with another.
On July 14, Tehran City Council’s meeting descended into chaos following criticisms from council member Narjes Soleimani toward Tehran Mayor Alireza Zakani, who had recently campaigned for President but failed to garner significant support and eventually withdrew. During the meeting Soleimani, the daughter of the late Iranian general Qassem Soleimani, praised the municipal staff’s performance but criticized senior management.
Mohammad Aghamiri, head of the Council’s Civil Engineering Committee, defended the city’s administration, arguing that such criticisms undermine the council’s dignity. His comments led to accusations of disrespect towards Qassem Soleimani, which he denied.
Council Chairman Mehdi Chamran assured reporters that Zakani would remain mayor until the end of his term. However, Jaafar Tashakkori Hashemi, head of the Transport and Urban Development Commission, called for oversight bodies to investigate allegations of corruption within the municipality.
Criticism of Zakani has intensified since March, particularly following plans to build a mosque in Qeytarieh Park, sparking a campaign for his removal. Despite these efforts, Zakani dismissed the petition as defamatory and unlawful. In response, a counter-campaign supporting Zakani as a “faithful and revolutionary mayor” has reportedly garnered over 120,000 signatures. Three days after the contentious council meeting, Narjes Soleimani reiterated her criticisms, leading to continued backlash from conservative factions and accusations of dishonesty by Hamshahri newspaper.
Former MP Mahmoud Sadeghi and journalist Abbas Abdi have expressed support for Soleimani, criticizing the reaction to her statements and warning against the consequences of such dismissive attitudes. Council member Mehdi Abbasi highlighted public demand for Zakani’s dismissal, emphasizing the council’s legal duty to oversee the mayor’s performance.
The controversy includes allegations of “post-selling” within the municipality, denied by a spokesperson and dismissed as false, leading to the arrest of the accuser. Despite these denials, Hashemi insists on the necessity of an investigation by regulatory authorities. With one year left in the current council’s term and upcoming elections, conservatives caution that growing criticism of urban management may jeopardize their success in next year’s elections.
Veteran Iranian producer Jahangir Kowsari recently disclosed that his film “Blue Veins” has not been screened in Iran because his daughter who stars in the film, Baran Kowsari, is banned from appearing in the media. The film, which portrays the life of the renowned poet Forough Farrokhzad, faced hurdles after Baran Kowsari appeared in public without mandatory hijab, leading to legal actions against her.
During the nationwide protests following Mahsa Amini’s death at the hands of the morality police in 2022, numerous artists, including Baran, were penalized for supporting the movement. Kowsari took the film to the Toronto Film Festival, where it was screened, and he remains hopeful about its future release.
The ban reflects broader government crackdowns on artists, many of whom have faced restrictions, threats, and legal actions for supporting the protests. Among those affected are prominent figures like Fatemeh Motamed-Arya, Taraneh Alidoosti, and others who have publicly opposed the mandatory hijab laws.
Renowned Iranian painter Farhad Moshiri passed away at the age of 61 due to a heart attack in England, where he had relocated after his wife’s death. The news was confirmed by his friend Amir Naser Ekhlaqi-Fard, who shared a photo of them together on social media.
Born in 1963 in Shiraz, Moshiri gained international recognition for his innovative and humorous works, particularly his “jar paintings.” He was featured in the list of the world’s top 500 artists in 2012 and was recognized as the first Middle Eastern artist to sell a piece for over a million dollars at auction in 2008.
Moshiri’s art, which often explores the relationship between tradition and modernity in Iran, has been displayed in major museums worldwide, including in New York, London, Rome, Munich, Oslo, Geneva, Dubai, and Sharjah. His unique style blends traditional Iranian elements with modern techniques, influenced heavily by pop art.
Despite facing limitations within Iran, where he was primarily known for his jar paintings, Moshiri’s work extends far beyond this genre. His pieces often incorporate contrasting elements, such as vibrant colors and significant themes like love and power, symbolized through recurring motifs like knives. Moshiri’s last exhibition featuring his latest series of jar paintings was showcased at Art Abu Dhabi last year. His work “Black Numbers on White” recently sold for 11.2 billion Tomans at a Tehran auction just two weeks ago.
The National Iranian American Council (NIAC) extends its deepest condolences to Farhad Moshiri’s family and to all who admired his work around the world. His artistic legacy will continue to inspire and resonate with many for years to come.
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