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US POLITICS SINCE THE GAZA CRISIS  
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Paul Garver
March 27, 2024
Chartist
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_ The Democratic Party cannot ignore its need for hundreds of
thousands of active campaigners to turn out younger and lower income
urban voters in general elections. US complicity in Gaza imperils the
enthusiasm and commitment needed to defeat MAGA. _

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THE MAGA RIGHT

The largest hegemonic bloc in US politics remains the MAGA “Make
America Great Again” Right, closely associated with its Maximum
Leader Donald Trump.   Roughly 30% of the US electorate, including a
solid majority of evangelical Protestants, appears to remain loyal to
Trump, even as federal and state courts find him guilty of rape, tax
evasion, and other financial crimes.   Even though President Trump
helped to foment the attempted insurrection of January 6th 2021
intended to overturn his clear electoral defeat, and thereby should
have made himself ineligible to serve in any federal office as a
promoter of insurrection, he will surely win the Republican nomination
for the presidency.  Most Republican leaders, some of whom fear that
a Trump candidacy will alienate independent voters, fall into line
with MAGA out of fear or expediency.

MAGA’s and Trump’s proclaimed intention is to seize political
control of the nation, and to cement that control into the indefinite
future. Republicans have no plan for governing the nation, leading to
a “clown show” in Congress, in which the most extreme elements of
the Right wreck any effort at reaching the basic compromises essential
to preserve essential public services.   Government is to be
discredited and disabled, so that constituencies who need its services
for survival are discouraged from voting at all.  Congressional
Republicans have rejected a tentative agreement with Biden that they
had proposed linking continued aid to Ukraine for more border
security.  

The leading strategist for deliberately sowing political chaos is
Donald Trump himself, who believes that as President he will be able
to pardon himself and not serve lengthy prison sentences or pay hefty
fines for his numerous political and financial crimes. So far, each
new indictment brings Trump a flood of cash from his admirers.  The
most ruthless right-wing thinker for Trump is Steven Bannon, a
neo-Fascist who openly courts the global Right and admires Putin, but
he has numerous enablers, including former presidential candidates he
is brushing aside in Republican primaries. The possibility of a
second Trump administration poses a lethal threat to American
democracy.  Trump has promised to wield Presidential power in a
personal and vindictive way against all his perceived enemies.

THE CENTRE

The Right faces a Centre, the majority faction of the Democratic
Party, led by incumbent President Joe Biden. In 2020 the Democratic
Centre demonstrated that it could win a narrow national electoral
majority against an incompetent sitting President.  Biden carried
most “purple” swing states by winning strong majorities among
young people, women and people of colour, even as most white men,
evangelical Christians, and rural and small-town voters opted for
Trump.

Normally an incumbent President who managed to guide the nation
through the pandemic crisis, and emerge with a relatively strong
economy would be assured of re-election.  While the most optimistic
hopes of young people crushed by student debt, environmentalists
confronting the climate crisis, and immigrant communities were not
realized, the Biden administration seemed to be trying hard enough,
with setbacks attributed to obstinate resistance from Republicans and
a few right-wing Democrats.

However, the mainstream Democratic Party has been hollowed out by
decades of neo-liberal “triangulation” on major economic and
social policies, including those crucial for winning and retaining the
support of the working class, racial minority, women, and youth
constituencies essential to a Democratic victory.  Rhetorically Biden
Democrats talk a lot about the interests of these constituencies, but
in reality they often cater to the whims of the wealthy individual and
corporate donors that fund their campaigns.  Biden has chosen, or
been forced, to take retrograde steps on immigration, student debt and
the environment that may be justified by narrow political calculations
but are likely to alienate activists from such crucial constituencies.

THE LEFT AND THE UNIONS

The small democratic socialist grouping in Congress does not mirror
the spoiler role of the MAGA (Make America Great Again) extremists. 
Bernie Sanders and the Squad critically support many initiatives of
the Biden administration, while promoting stronger progressive
measures on student debt, climate, and workers’ rights. Recently
Biden has voiced greater support for unions, by his appointments to
the National Labor Relations Board and even joining an autoworkers’
picket line. Here he is aligned with the broad Left and socialist
movements.

A strong consensus has emerged on the Left around support for a
diverse and inclusive workers’ movement based on grassroots
organizing.  Rank-and-file reform caucuses in the UAW (United
Autoworkers) and the Teamsters (Truck Drivers) have helped elected
union leaderships mobilize their memberships for successful campaigns
and strikes.

DSA (Democratic Socialists of America) members in the UAW, mainly in
its growing division of academic workers, worked to elect the
reforming leadership of Shawn Fain.   Eco-socialists in DSA have
rallied to support the UAW’s campaign to organize a Just Transition
to electric vehicle production and won a major campaign to require New
York State’s public power authority to prioritize renewable power
sources.

The revival of a militant labour movement in which DSA plays a
constructive role bodes well for the future of democratic socialism.
However, it is difficult for DSA to imagine joining in a united front
with centrist Democrats to defeat a MAGA takeover that would preclude
space for the development of democratic socialism. DSA and much of the
US Left still focus too strongly on the evils of neo-liberalism and
the shortcomings of the Biden administration, regardless of the MAGA
threat.

GAZA CRISIS

This has been even more challenging since the Gaza crisis strengthened
the centrifugal forces within the Democratic Party.   The Biden
administration intensified US military and diplomatic support for
Israel despite the suffering of the civil population of Gaza. Despite
widespread popular support for a ceasefire, including the majority of
union members, progressives in Congress, led by the democratic
socialist Squad members and Bernie Sanders, are suffering strong
attacks from the mass media for expressions of solidarity and support
for Palestinians.  Pro-Israel political action committee AIPAC is
targeting democratic socialists supporting Palestine in Congress by
funding right-wing opposition candidates in Democratic primaries
and/or their Republican opponents.

AS a “big tent” organization, DSA is often divided on
international issues. This is less so on Palestine, where DSA
conventions previously endorsed the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions
(BDS) movement.  After initially muddled rhetorical responses that
alienated some members who felt its statements were too pro-Hamas, DSA
settled into support for less rhetorical but more effective actions.
Younger DSA activists, especially Jewish-Americans, Muslim-Americans
and other members of colour have particularly engaged in this issue,
joining mass demonstrations, lobbying legislators, and organizing
labour unions in support for de-escalation and a cease-fire. DSA
leaders joined a hunger strike, while spokespersons for major US
unions supporting de-escalation were DSA members, including a Regional
Director of the UAW.

While DSA seems to pass the “stress test” of Gaza by better
alignment with the democratic socialist members of Congress, and
collaboration among its national leadership, its National Labor
Commission, International Committee and Elections Committee, that
cannot be said of the Democratic Congressional leaders. Rather than
respond positively to the significant bloc in Congress calling for
de-escalation and a ceasefire in Gaza, to the majority of Democratic
voters appalled by the carnage in Gaza, and to growing street
demonstrations supporting Palestinian civilians, Democratic
congressional leaders like Nancy Pelosi falsely accused the
demonstrators of being influenced by Putin.  Many Democrats voted
with Republicans to censure Rep. Rashida Tlaib for her advocacy of
Palestinian rights.

Biden is hampered by his apparent frailty of old age and his lack of
charismatic speaking ability to campaign effectively.  Polls indicate
that almost any other Democrat would defeat Trump more easily.  
Trump is nearly as old as Biden, but has the energy and demeanour of a
spoiled two-year-old brat throwing temper tantrums when he doesn’t
get his way.  This endears him to a sector of the electorate
(predominantly male) that misinterprets Trump’s behaviour as
“manly” and strong.

I personally hope that “Good old” President Joe Biden has the
wisdom to allow someone else to run against Trump in 2024.  I fear
that (his nickname) “Genocide Joe” could lead the Democrats to
defeat. But maybe women facing the annihilation of their reproductive
rights, and unionized workers hoping to consolidate their reviving
labour rights will vote in sufficient numbers in key states like
Michigan to balance the defection of Arab-American voters.

Shawn Fain, the energetic new President of the UAW, provides a good
model for creating a Centre-Left United Front. Following its
impressive strike victory against the Big Three auto companies, the
UAW both endorsed a Gaza ceasefire and the Biden candidacy, citing his
support for workers’ rights. Turning back the danger of a disastrous
MAGA seizure of power will require such a sophisticated approach.

SUPER TUESDAY UPDATE: MARCH 7

On “Super Tuesday” March 5, primary elections are held in many
major states.  Not surprisingly the results confirmed Donald Trump as
the Republican candidate for President in November, knocking out his
last challenger Nikki Haley. Joe Biden also easily dispatched his
remaining challengers Dean Phillips and Marianne Williamson.

However, proponents of a ceasefire in Gaza and ending the Biden
administration’s blank check for Netanyahu hastily mobilized
campaigns to vote “uncommitted” or “no preference” on the
Democratic Party’s presidential ballots. A week previously 101,000
Democratic voters in Michigan (13.2%) had voted “uncommitted”
following a campaign supported by Representative Rashida Tlaib, a DSA
member who is the only Palestinian-American in Congress, and Andy
Levin, a former Jewish-American congressmen, who had been unseated by
a massively funded campaign by AIPAC.  

Since Michigan is a swing state that the Democrats must win in
November, this worried Democratic Party leaders, but could be passed
off as a local aberration. Within the following few days, ceasefire
proponents in the peace movements and national and local progressive
groups, hastily mobilized to win uncommitted votes in states holding
Super Tuesday primaries. Most state Democratic Party primaries do not
have an “uncommitted” or “no preference” option on the ballot
but Minnesota, Colorado, and Massachusetts do.  DSA’s National
Election Commission quickly endorsed that option in Colorado and
Minnesota, while all four of the DSA chapters in Massachusetts,
together with Our Revolution and Massachusetts Peace Action, mobilized
for a “no preference” vote.

According to the most recent figures, the “no preference” or
uncommitted vote in Massachusetts is 58,790 (9.3%), in Colorado 44,314
(8.2%), in Minnesota 45, 913 (18.9%), in North Carolina
88,021(12.7%).  The next target for DSA and Our Revolution will be
Washington State on March 12.

Only the Minnesota results were boosted by a relatively large
Muslim-American electorate. In Somali-American Congressperson Ilhan
Omar’s Minneapolis-St. Paul district 25% voted uncommitted.  In
Massachusetts the “no preference” vote was concentrated in
strongly progressive cities and towns with universities (where DSA is
also more present). But hundreds of volunteers, not only younger
people, had joined the campaign in a few days.

In sheer numbers the 237,000 Democratic Party uncommitted voters in
the three Super Tuesday states, even added to the 101,000 in Michigan,
may not seem impressive. However, national elections in the USA turn
on very slender pluralities in a few states.  The Democratic Party
cannot ignore its need for hundreds of thousands of active campaigners
to turn out younger and lower income urban voters in general
elections.   US complicity in Gaza, above all else, imperils the
enthusiasm and commitment needed to defeat MAGA.

_Paul Garver is a member of Democratic Socialists of America._

_Chartist is the bi-monthly political magazine of the democratic
left. In honouring the Chartists of the 19th century, our idea of
democratic socialism is as much about the political movement and means
of mobilisation used to advance political ideas as it is about the
ideas themselves. Chartist seeks to provide a space for those who
subscribe to this broad ideal._

* Joe Biden
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* Gaza
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* MAGA
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* DSA
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* Labor Movement
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* UAW
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