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the real consequences of Islamophobia

British Secretary of State Michael Gove recently unveiled a new definition of extremism — “the promotion or advancement of an ideology based on violence, hatred or intolerance” — under which three named Muslim groups would be examined. A debate over terms like “Islamophobia” has ensued. But “as politicians argue over terms such as ‘Islamophobia’ and ‘anti-Muslim hate,’ it only adds to the increasing isolation of our communities,” writes Tasnim Nazeer in Hyphen Online [[link removed]]. “These discussions reverberate through the lives of British Muslims, shaping our experiences in profound and often devastating ways.”

“This discussion over terminology is not just a matter of semantics but a matter of risk to life and safety,” writes Nazeer. The point is just that a word is defined and understood, or not, but that Islamophobia is taken less seriously, and that Muslims are further marginalized and endangered. (Nazeer also points out that the All Party Group’s 2019 definition of Islamophobia has not been acknowledged; unlike its new definition of extremism, the government said this definition would impact freedom of speech.)

Nazeer points to the dramatic rise in anti-Muslim incidents in the United Kingdom since October, and also stresses “that anti-Muslim prejudice is not a problem exclusive to one political party but a systemic issue that permeates all levels of society.”

Pellegrini and Putin

An investigation by Central Eastern European investigative outlet VSquare (for which, in the interest of full disclosure, I provide English-language editing) has revealed [[link removed]] that, per sensitive intelligence information, in 2020, Peter Pellegrini, who was, at the time, prime minister of Slovakia, reached out to Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán to secure a visit to the Kremlin, which he hoped would help him in that year’s parliamentary elections.

The report shares how the visit came about, and also shares Hungarian deliberations that Pellegrini remaining in power would ultimately be good for Hungary. Ultimately, it was not enough — Pellegrini’s party still lost elections that year, and a coalition campaigning on anti-corruption came into power. “The intelligence material specifically says that Pellegrini told Orbán that an invitation to Moscow would help him to win the Slovak elections. It also clearly indicates that the Russian and Hungarian governments had high-level discussions on helping Pellegrini stay in power,” the report reads.

That coalition, though, lost elections last year and is now out of power. Pellegrini’s political ally, Robert Fico, is once again prime minister. And he himself is poised to become Slovakia’s next president. The first round of Slovakia’s presidential elections will be held March 13. In the weeks prior, Pellegrini, currently speaker of Slovak parliament, made yet another visit — this time, to Budapest.

FORWARD TO A FRIEND [[link removed]] The Body Civic

Colm O’Shea, a clinical associate professor with New York University’s Expository Writing Program, has an essay [[link removed]] in Noema exploring the relationship between our physical bodies and our civic body.

Today, we may think of exercise or athletic training as a personal endeavor. But the “tendency to understand physical fitness as a personal pursuit, akin to a hobby and unconnected to the civic body, is exceedingly modern, and almost amnesiac,” writes O’Shea. American connection to the military has shrunk since the draft ended; since the fall of the Berlin wall, he argues, the Olympics have become less politically fraught.

O’Shea thinks this may be changing, however, with China and Russia “moving to expand their borders … Fitness, in the sense of readiness for real physical challenge and hardship, may once again become a necessity for citizens of the industrialized world.” O’Shea uses Orwell’s conception of patriotism, which is “defensive” in nature, to appeal to more left-leaning readers: “Perhaps his concept of ‘defensive patriotism’ can be the starting point for a consideration of whether our 21st-century populace, used to physical and material comfort, has retained a willingness for civic sacrifice,” O’Shea writes.

FORWARD TO A FRIEND [[link removed]] DEEP DIVE Partying for Russia

Support for Ukraine as it fights off Russia’s full-scale invasion is strong across Europe — but that strength is far from equally distributed. What determines which countries and parties are more supportive? That’s the question before the authors of a new paper [[link removed]], “The Russian threat and the consolidation of the West: How populism and EU-skepticism shape party support for Ukraine,” published this month in the journal European Union Politics.

In mid-2023, the authors surveyed the positions taken by political parties across 29 different countries. They found that, far from uniform support, 97 of the 269 parties rejected at least one of the following: provision of weapons, hosting refugees, support for Ukrainian ascension to European Union membership, or accepting that higher energy costs was the price to pay for support for Ukraine. The authors feel that this suggests that Western consolidation has overshadowed prior domestic disputes — but not overridden them entirely.

One might imagine that perceived threat from Russia to a party’s country would be the main determining factor on support for Ukraine, and support was higher where the perceived threat was greater. But in fact, “ideology appears to be far more influential.” The bulk of variation for support for Ukraine could be explained, the authors believe, by the level of a party’s European Union skepticism and populist rhetoric (though they note that many such parties accept moderate pro-Ukraine positions once in power).

They note that populism is motivated by the assertion that the elite is corrupt and legitimacy comes from the people — which they often define in an ethnically exclusive way. In this case, the war in Ukraine fit into the populist worldview with the claim that governments were sacrificing their own people’s needs “to protect the status quo.” There is also overlap, they suggest, between this populist penchant and a preference for centralized power and limits on political freedoms and pluralism (which is to say, a preference, at least in theory, for authoritarianism). Further, EU skepticism is directly counter to support for Ukraine: “In the eyes of most EU-skeptics, the mobilization of the EU behind Ukraine strengthens supranationalism, undermines national sovereignty, and threatens the authenticity of the national community.”

The authors are left with two inferential challenges. First, there is the question of whether ideology shapes party position on Ukraine, or whether party position on Ukraine shapes ideology. The authors believe they have inferential support for the former. Second, they ask whether their finding that joining the government makes them moderately supportive of Ukraine is “spurious” as only moderate parties join governing coalitions.

But by doing comparisons of party positions before and after joining government, they are able to provide evidence that these parties are induced to moderate their positions once in government (particularly since conservative parties, which are more likely to join these coalitions, are also likely, at least historically, to be pro-NATO).

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FORWARD TO A FRIEND [[link removed]] SHOW US THE RECEIPTS

James Chabin argued [[link removed]] that the United States has fueled Mexico’s militarization. The Mexican military, he wrote, has become increasingly involved in Mexican domestic life—a trend the United States has encouraged, not opposed. Chabin pointed in particular to migration, “where both the Donald Trump and Joe Biden administrations have seemed willing to do whatever it takes to avoid migrant build-up at the US-Mexico border.” But militarization cannot “fix” migration or criminal networks, Chabin asserted, concluding, “After nearly 20 years of failed policy pushing Mexico toward militarizing its security, tourism, and immigration, the US would be wise to reconsider its approach to relations with its southern neighbor.”

Katy Fallon wrote [[link removed]] about how the US Christian right funds anti-abortion activities internationally, notably across Africa and Europe. Fallon also included warnings that, as in the United States, Europe may find that abortion rights are increasingly challenged in court. Not even the United Kingdom is immune, wrote Fallon. Still, there may be some good news for those who believe a person has the right to access an abortion: “While the end of Roe v. Wade has invigorated many on the anti-choice side, it has also motivated efforts to strengthen reproductive rights in Europe.”

Ashish Valentine reported [[link removed]] on the 10-year anniversary of the Sunflower Movement, in which students, staying put in parliament for weeks, pushed Taiwan away from China by demanding lawmakers rethink a trade deal with the country. Lin Fei-fan, one of the movement’s leaders, shared that he felt that, prior to 2014, many in Taiwan thought they had to leave relations up to the government, and that the movement “showed Taiwanese people they actually had the power to dictate Taiwan’s fate.” The sunflower represented Taiwan’s history of resistance, dating back to the period of martial law, during which time the flower was also used as a symbol for the struggle.

FORWARD TO A FRIEND [[link removed]] WELL-PLAYED

You are now leaving [[link removed]] New Jersey.

The lower cat is the upper cat’s grandma [[link removed]].

Bloody right [[link removed]].

Kate Mad Men-leton [[link removed]].

Alert the presses [[link removed]].

The bunnies, like the rent, are too damn high [[link removed]].

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Critical State is written by Emily Tamkin with Inkstick Media.

The World is a weekday public radio show and podcast on global issues, news and insights from PRX and GBH.

With an online magazine and podcast featuring a diversity of expert voices, Inkstick Media is “foreign policy for the rest of us.”

Critical State is made possible in part by the Carnegie Corporation of New York.

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