How Democrats Move Union Donations

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** Inside California's Progressive "Dark Money" Machine: How Democrats Move Union Donations
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Dear John,

Political reporting is like writing a detective story: except for their bad scars, challenging dental work and thin lips, the bad guys frequently turn out to be not so bad. It’s the so-called good guys you have to watch out for. They’re not wearing fedoras or carrying a cannon beneath a trench coat. They don’t necessarily gargle with rye whiskey. Today they are more likely to wear a fine suit and claim they’re fighting for the marginalized, the oppressed — for social justice.

Take the case of Humboldt, a sparsely populated rural county near California’s Oregon border. The Democratic Central Committee there has taken a remarkable interest in state Sen. Josh Newman, a Democrat representing parts of Los Angeles, Orange, and San Bernardino counties over 500 miles away.

Since 2015, Humboldt’s central committee has raised over $1.4 million, primarily from California’s most powerful unions. The committee sent around 20 percent of that money, $275,000, to Newman’s political campaigns. By contrast, central committees in Los Angeles, Orange, and San Bernardino — the three counties Newman actually represents — sent him less than $2,000 combined.

It’s a puzzle. And it gets more puzzling: Humboldt is one of five Democratic Party central committees in five remote, sparsely populated California counties that move millions of dollars from powerful government unions into the campaigns of Democrats running in far-off districts.

In the case of Newman, in return for support from the unions, he has taken up a crusade against conservative school boards that refuse to tow the union line. Last year, Newman authored Senate Bill 494 ([link removed]) , which prevents a school board from firing a superintendent within 30 days after an election; a bill crafted in response to the termination of Orange Unified’s district superintendent after the conservative board realized they needed someone who would implement the will of the people.

This legislative session, Newman is continuing his crusade against school boards with Senate Bill 907 ([link removed]) , which would add two new seats to Orange County’s five-member board and change the election date to counter the conservative majority. The legislation ignores other similarly situated boards in the state, confirming that this is a political hit job.

For nearly a decade, Democratic central committees in Humboldt, Tehama, Napa, Mendocino, and Del Norte counties have contributed $7.2 million to state legislative candidates in distant counties. That represents about $21 per person from a combined population of just 457,000, a California Policy Center analysis of state campaign disclosures found. These 5 rural counties have received an average of 94 percent of their total funding from government and private-sector unions since 2015.

By contrast, the state’s remaining 53 Democrat central committees, representing nearly 39 million Californians, made campaign contributions of about $0.73 cents per capita during the same period.

“Moving big bucks through relatively obscure party county committees has become a significant way for special interests to get their dollars into play in partisan political races — without leaving their fingerprints on the contribution,” says Jon Fleischman, a Republican consultant, strategist, and former executive director of the California Republican Party.

This system of funneling money through these committees is not directed by smoke-filled rooms of union bosses but is rather a completely formalized program that is overseen by the California State Senate Democratic Caucus. According to Kathy Cole, Chair of the Tehama County Democratic Central Committee (TCDCC), the TCDCC is one of several DCCs that is “part of a program overseen by the California State Senate Democratic Caucus in which funds, predominantly from labor unions, are deposited into our DCC bank account.”

“These funds are strictly for the Caucus to request that TCDCC send specific amounts to targeted state senate campaigns at strategic times in election cycles,” Cole wrote in an email responding to an inquiry by California Policy Center.

The program appears designed to mask the unions’ outsized role in state legislative races and pay-to-play lobbying. And it shows how the state’s government unions — teachers, police, prison guards, firefighters, and office workers — have used these remote county committees to discreetly fund the creation of a Democratic supermajority that has nearly doubled state spending — all while ignoring the government’s high-profile failure to deliver essential services.

After Cole’s original statement, she reached out the following day with second thoughts and requested a retraction.

“I am retracting my earlier statement, I am new to this role and still getting up to speed with the program. After discussing the program further with my colleagues, I wanted to provide some clarification. As you probably already know, TCDCC is affiliated with the California Democratic Party and is subject to their many rules, including endorsing candidates in partisan offices to ensure the Democratic Party speaks with one voice across the state. As a county party we have a vested interest in helping the CDP achieve its objectives to advance Democratic policies and elect Democratic candidates while also ensuring we can build the Democratic bench throughout the state, which can include contributions in key races.”

The California State Senate Democratic Caucus was contacted for further information about this program but has not responded at the time of publication.

When asked about the outsized role of union contributions to his committee, Jeff Tyrell, Chairman of the Mendocino County Democratic Central Committee, acknowledged that not only are “coordinated campaigns” taking place but that it is the exact purpose of central committees.

“I think that the difference of central committees is for this expressed purpose,” Tyrell said. “What central committees are intended to do is to work with the unions.”

The other three county committees, Del Norte, Humboldt, and Napa, were contacted for statements but have not responded to California Policy Center’s inquiry.

The distribution of millions to campaigns in distant districts, coupled with meager support for local representatives, demonstrates these committees’ prioritization of union interests over constituent concerns. This prompts fundamental questions for voters and reporters alike: To what extent are their local representatives funded by backchannel union sources? And how is the unions’ influence peddling impacting their local community? And while this may be technically legal, is it possible that the Democratic Party is illegally coordinating with the unions and county committees on where the money is going to be spent?

Jay Wierenga, Director of Communications for the Fair Political Practices Commission, stated that generally, “there cannot be coordination between state parties and unions in directing contributions to candidates.” Section 85704 ([link removed]) of the California Code prevents unions from earmarking contributions on, “a condition or agreement that all or a portion of the contribution would be used to make a contribution to another specifically identified committee, ballot measure, or candidate.”

With funding sources intentionally obscured through channels like these rural central committees, voters — and reporters — must remain vigilant, delving deep into the union influences shaping their local candidates’ votes and the legislation pushed through the most influential Senate and Assembly committees.

If this financial pipeline was wielding this type of oversized influence on Republican candidates, you can bet the mainstream media reporters would label it “dark money” — evidence of nefarious activity by conservatives or “big business.” But because it is funding Democrats, it is considered par for the course.

Click here ([link removed]) for a breakdown of the five Democratic Central Committees by county and the full report by CPC Policy & Research Associate Andrew Davenport with CPC President Will Swaim.
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** RSVP for CPC's Parents, Not Partisans Summit in Sacramento
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Have you registered yet for CPC's third annual Parents, Not Partisans Summit in Sacramento on Tuesday, March 12-Wednesday, March 13, 2024? Our theme this year: Who Controls the Classroom?

Our all-star lineup of speakers will offer insights and in-depth skill building on grassroots mobilization, effective advocacy, strategic communications and more!

On Tuesday, hear from Connor Boyack, president of the Libertas Institute and creator of the popular Tuttle Twins children's book series, and parental rights champion Sonja Shaw, President of the Chino Valley Unified School Board, along with:
* Tab Berg | Political Strategist & Founder, TABcommunications, inc.
* Dr. Nicole Conragan | School Choice Advocate & Board Secretary, Parents for School Options
* Kira Davis | Author & Podcast Host
* Maxie Douglas | Director of Communications, California Senate Republican Caucus
* LTC Kenney Enney (Ret.) | Trustee, Paso Robles Joint Unified School District
* Erin Friday | Co-Leader, Our Duty (U.S.) & Executive Committee Member, Protect Kids California
* Sophia Lorey | Outreach Director, California Family Council
* Julie Hamill | Attorney, California Policy Center; Trustee, Palos Verdes Peninsula Unified School Board & Founder of the Alliance of Los Angeles County Parents
* Frank Xu | President, Californians for Equal Rights Foundation

On Wednesday, we'll head to the state Capitol to meet with legislators and legislative staff, and offer mornings sessions on persuasive advocacy techniques and getting your message across to state legislators with:
* Tom Sheehy | Principal, Sheehy Strategy Group
* Hector Barajas | CEO, Amplify360

Register ([link removed]) today ([link removed]) to reserve your spot at the Parents, Not Partisans Summit! Tickets are FREE using the code PARENTUNION at checkout.

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