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Secret Service Ordered Staff to Not Respond to
Head of RFK Jr.’s Private Security
In September 2023, we received Secret Service records
detailing the denial of protection to presidential candidate Robert F.
Kennedy Jr., despite having received numerous threats from “known
subjects.”
This week we released 63
pages of new records from the Secret Service that show Assistant
Director Michael Plati ordering his staff not to respond to a request for
information from Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s head of security.
These documents confirm the bureaucratic and political runaround the Biden
administration went through to ultimately deny Robert F. Kennedy Jr. the
requested Secret Service protection.
They also confirm that Department of Homeland Security Secretary Alexander
Mayorkas and President Biden both have the discretion to provide Secret
Service protection to Kennedy at any time.
We received the records through a September 26, 2023, FOIA lawsuit
filed against the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) after it
failed to respond to a July 31 request for records regarding the decision
to decline Secret Service protection for Kennedy (Judicial
Watch v. U.S. Department of Homeland Security (No.
1:23-cv-02846)).
The records include a completely redacted June 2, 2023, report
titled “Protective Intelligence Assessment – 2024 Presidential
Candidate Robert F. Kennedy Jr.”
On May 17, 2023, an individual, whose name is redacted, from the protection
company Gavin
de Becker Associates, which Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. disclosed
is providing him with protection, sends an
email to officials in the Office of Protective Services with the
subject “From [redacted] quick question and heads up …” The body of
the message is redacted except for the greeting and closing.
The message is forwarded to Deputy Assistant Director William
Glady and other Secret Service officials whose names are
redacted. Glady forwards the de Becker message to Assistant
Director Michael Plati as a “FYSA [For Your Situational
Awareness].” Plati replies, “No response is required to be given to
this individual IMO [in my opinion].” Glady replies, “Agree.” Plati
then follows up with, “Nor should it.” Glady responds, “All parties
are aware.” Plati replies, “Thank you.”
The records also include a
document titled “Campaign 2024 – Candidate Protection: Who
receives protection?” that describes how the Secretary of Homeland
Security has “broad discretion” when authorizing Secret Service
protection to presidential or vice-presidential candidates:
Who receives protection?
The Secret Service does not determine who
qualifies for protection, nor is the Secret Service empowered to
independently initiate candidate protection.
Under 18 U.S.C.' 3056(a)(7), “[m]ajor
Presidential and Vice Presidential candidates,” as identified by the
Secretary of Homeland Security, are eligible for Secret Service
protection.
Title 18 U.S.C' 3056(a)(7) authorizes the
U.S. Secret Service to provide protection for major presidential and vice
presidential candidates:
• Protection is authorized by the OHS Secretary after consultation
with the Congressional Advisory Committee
• The Congressional Advisory Committee includes: Speaker of the House,
House Minority Leader, Senate Majority Leader, Senate Minority Leader, and
one additional member selected by the others
• Protection under these guidelines should only be granted within one
year prior to the general election. Protection more than one year prior to
the general election should only be granted in extraordinary, case by case
circumstances in consultation with the committee, based on threat
assessment and other factors.
Criteria have been established to assist the OHS Secretary and the
advisory committee in their decision making (as of 2017). Candidates
must:
When determining whether a candidate for the Office of President or Vice
President of the United States qualifies as a major candidate, the
Secretary has broad discretion and may consider a variety of factors. These
factors include, but are not limited to:
1. Whether the candidate has publicly announced his or her candidacy and
has filed the appropriate documentation with the Federal Election
Commission (FEC) and is in compliance with the Federal Election Campaign
Act of 1971, as amended, and related laws;
2. Whether the candidate is actively campaigning on a national basis for
the office for which his or her candidacy has been announced, as
demonstrated by operating a national campaign apparatus, regularly
appearing at public events in multiple states, producing and publishing
campaign advertisements, and other similar indicia of a campaign;
3. A threat assessment conducted by the Secret Service of general or
specific threats directed towards the candidate. (for these purposes,
"threats" should be defined as explicit threats of bodily harm to the
candidate or indications of inappropriate behavior towards the candidate
suggesting potential bodily harm);
4. Whether, during and within an active and competitive major party
primary, the most recent average of established national polls, as
reflected by the Real Clear Politics National Average or similar mechanism,
the candidate is polling at 15% or more for 30 consecutive days;
5. Whether the candidate is the formal or de facto nominee of a major
party for President or Vice President;
6. Whether the candidate is an independent or third party candidate for
President polling at 20% or more of the Real Clear Politics National
Average for 30 consecutive days;
7. Whether the candidate is the Vice Presidential running mate of the
above independent or third party candidate
What is the history of candidate/nominee protection?
Candidate and nominee protection was expanded to include major
candidates for president and vice president in 1968:
• Major candidates and their spouses began receiving protection
after the assassination of Robert Kennedy in 1968. PL-90-331 was passed
June 6, 1968. (Language since adopted into 3056).
• Prior to this event, candidates and their families did not receive
Secret Service protection
• Protection of a candidate/nominee is designed to maintain the
integrity of the democratic process and continuity of government
A June 13, 2023, email
includes a “KENNEDY CPAC [Candidate Protection Advisory Committee]
Criteria Analysis.” The document lists the various criteria for providing
Secret Service Protection to a candidate but redacts the analysis of each
point. For example, the agency redacts the analysis related to:
A threat assessment conducted by the Secret Service of general of [sic]
specific threats directed towards the candidate (for these purposes,
“threats” should be defined as explicit threats of bodily harm to the
candidate or indications of inappropriate behavior towards the candidate
suggesting potentials [sic] bodily harm);
In a June 5, 2023, email
thread under the subject line “Request for Protection received
at DHS” a program manager from the Executive Secretariat of Secret
Service, whose name is redacted, writes:
[Redacted] DHS has received the attached letter from the RFK Jr.
campaign requesting protection. The letter references an assessment the
campaign has conducted on its own… DHS is seeking input on the
appropriate process for response so that they can task/track in their
systems appropriately. Once you’ve had a chance to review, please let me
know what the preference is so we can stay synced.
Glady forwards the message to Plati, noting, “We received the hard copy
today. The word document is what goes over to the Hill indicating our
recording Secretary recommendation.”
On June 15, 2023, the chief operating officer of the Secret Service emails
officials in the offices of Senators Chuck Schumer and Mitch McConnell with
the subject “Candidate Protection Advisory Committee Material:”
As the Recording Secretary for the Candidate Protection Advisory
Committee, I write to provide you with the materials compiled by the United
States Secret Service (Secret Service) to assist in your review of the
request submitted on behalf of Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. As set out in the
Department of Homeland Security ‘Guidelines for Authorizing Secret
Service Protection to U.S. Presidential Candidates’, the Secret Service
has prepared an analysis of the factors listed in Section II. The analysis
and relevant supporting documents as well as the request for protection are
attached.
The records indicate that the Candidate Protection Advisory Committee,
which consists of congressional leaders and the Senate sergeant at arms,
received briefing information on the Kennedy protection issue.
The Biden administration’s refusal to provide Secret Service protection
to Mr. Kennedy is dangerous and vindictive. Congress would do well to
follow up on these disturbing documents uncovered by our investigation and
lawsuit.
Judicial Watch Sues Mississippi for Counting Absentee Ballots after
Election Day
We’re not letting states get away with slippery election practices.
We filed a civil rights lawsuit
on behalf of the Libertarian Party of Mississippi, challenging a
Mississippi election law permitting absentee ballots to be received as long
as five business days after Election Day (Libertarian
Party of Mississippi v Wetzel et al.
(No. 1:24-cv-00037)).
Our lawsuit details:
Under federal law, the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November
of every even-numbered year is election day (“Election Day”) for
federal elections. See 2 U.S.C. §§ 1, 7 and 3 U.S.C. §
1.
Congress recently reaffirmed a single national Election Day when it
enacted the Electoral Count Reform Act (“ECRA”). 136 Stat. 5233, 525
(enacted as Div. P., Title I, § 102(b) of the Consolidated Appropriations
Act, 2023, 117 Pub. L. No. 328, Dec. 29, 2022). See 3 U.S.C.
§ 21.
Under the recent Congressional amendments, no extension of Election Day
shall be allowed unless there are “force majeure events that are
extraordinary and catastrophic” that justify extension. 3 U.S.C. §
21.
Despite Congress’ unambiguous and longstanding statement regarding a
single and uniform national Election Day, Mississippi extended Election Day
by allowing five additional business days after Election Day for receipt of
absentee ballots. See Miss. Code Ann. § 23-15-637(1)(a).
No “force majeure events that are extraordinary and
catastrophic” currently exist in Mississippi to justify extending the
ballot receipt deadline for the November 5, 2024 federal election for
Presidential and Vice-Presential Electors. See 3 U.S.C. §
21.
We argue that holding voting open for five days past Election Day violates
the constitutional rights of voters and candidates:
Counting untimely, illegal, and invalid votes, such as those received in
violation of federal law, substantially increases the pool of total votes
cast and dilutes the weight of votes cast by Plaintiff’s members and
others in support of Plaintiff’s federal nominees.
The complaint points out that, based on the reported
numbers, as many as 1.7% of votes cast in Mississippi in 2020
were received after Election Day.
In 2022,, on behalf of Congressman Mike Bost and two other registered
voters, we sued
Illinois for allowing vote-by-mail ballots (even those without postmarks)
to be counted if received up to 14 calendar days after Election Day if the
ballots are dated on or before Election Day. The case is now on appeal.
The law requires an ‘Election Day,’ not an ‘Election Week.’
Mississippi’s five-day extension of Election Day beyond the date set by
Congress is illegal, violates the civil rights of voters, and encourages
fraud.
We are a national leader in voting integrity and voting rights. We
assembled a team of highly experienced voting rights attorneys who stopped
discriminatory elections in Hawaii, and cleaned up voter rolls in
California, Ohio, Indiana, and Kentucky, among other
achievements.
Robert Popper, a Judicial Watch senior attorney, leads our election law
program. Popper was previously in the Voting Section of the Civil Rights
Division of the Justice Department, where he managed voting rights
investigations, litigations, consent decrees, and settlements in dozens of
states.
In December 2023, we sent notice
letters to election officials in the District of Columbia,
California, and Illinois, notifying them of evident violations of the National
Voter Registration Act (NVRA) of 1993, based on
their failure to remove inactive voters from their registration rolls. The
letters point out that these jurisdictions publicly reported removing few
or no ineligible voter registrations under a key provision of the NVRA. The
letters threaten federal lawsuits unless the violations are corrected in a
timely fashion. In response to Judicial Watch’s inquiries, Washington,
DC, officials admitted that they had not complied with the NVRA, promptly
removed 65,544 outdated names from the voting rolls, promised to remove
37,962 more, and designated another 73,522 registrations as
“inactive.”
In July 2023 we filed
an amicus curiae (friend of the court) brief,
supporting the decision
of the U.S. District Court for the District of Maine, which struck down
Maine’s policy restricting the use and distribution of the state’s
voter registration list (Public
Interest Legal Foundation v. Shenna Bellows (No. 23-1361).
According to a national
study conducted by Judicial Watch in 2020, Maine’s statewide
registration rate was 101% of eligible voters.
In July 2023 we settled
a federal election integrity lawsuit on behalf of the Illinois Conservative
Union against the state of Illinois, the Illinois State Board of Elections,
and its director, which grants access to the current centralized statewide
list of registered voters for the state for the past 15 elections.
In April 2023, Pennsylvania settled
with us and admitted in court filings that it removed 178,258 ineligible
registrations in response to communications from us. The settlement commits
Pennsylvania and five of its counties to extensive public reporting of
statistics regarding their ongoing voter roll clean-up efforts for the next
five years.
In March 2023, Colorado agreed
to settle our NVRA lawsuit alleging that Colorado failed to remove
ineligible voters from its rolls. The settlement agreement requires
Colorado to provide us with the most recent voter roll data for each
Colorado county each year for six years.
In February 2023, Los Angeles County confirmed
the removal of 1,207,613 ineligible voters from its rolls since last year,
under the terms of a settlement
agreement in a federal lawsuit
we filed in 2017.
We settled
a federal election integrity lawsuit against New York City after the city
removed 441,083 ineligible names from the voter rolls and promised to take
reasonable steps going forward to clean its voter registration lists.
Kentucky
also removed hundreds of thousands of old registrations after it entered
into a consent decree to end another Judicial Watch lawsuit.
In February 2022, we settled
a voter roll clean-up lawsuit against North Carolina and two of its
counties after North Carolina removed over 430,000 inactive registrations
from its voter rolls.
In March 2022, a Maryland court ruled
in favor of our challenge to the Democratic state
legislature’s “extreme” congressional-districts gerrymander.
More election integrity lawsuits are coming, so check back with Judicial
Watch in the weeks and months ahead!
Judicial Watch Sues for Details of Boston Mayor’s ‘Electeds of Color
Holiday Party’
Judicial Watch continues to expose and try to stop the radical Left’s
abuse of government to promote racial discrimination!
We just filed a public records
lawsuit
in the Superior Court for Suffolk County, Massachusetts, against the City
of Boston after the city failed to produce records related to the
“Electeds of Color Holiday Party” hosted by Boston Mayor Michelle Wu in
December 2023 (Judicial
Watch v. City of Boston (No. 2484-cv-00332)).
On December 13, 2023, Judicial Watch submitted a public records request
for:
- All
internal email communications of Mayor Wu, Chief of Equity and Inclusion
Cervera, Chief of Staff Chu, Chief People Officer Lawrence, Chief of Human
Services Masso, Senior Advisor Osgood, Spokesman Patron, and Chief of
Communications Pierre related to the “Electeds of Color Holiday Party,”
including but not limited to its planning and invitation
list.
- All
internal email communications of all members of the Boston City Council
related to the “Electeds of Color Holiday
Party.”
- All budget records related to
“Electeds of Color Holiday Party,” including but not limited to
invoices, purchase orders, financial statements, agreements and
contracts.
Here are the details. On December 12, 2023, a city employee
sent
an email on behalf of Mayor Wu, inviting all city councilors to
an “Electeds of Color Holiday Party” being held the following Wednesday
night. Shortly after the initial invitation was sent, the same employee
sent another email to apologize for sending out the invitation to all city
councilors.
Mayor Wu
defended
the party saying:
It seems like some of the folks who are concerned might also just not
have all the information, right?
I can understand someone might be confused
or worried if certain people weren’t being invited at all or were being
left out of any type of celebration. But I assure you, everyone on the
Boston City Council has got an invitation to multiple types of events and
holiday parties.
Here’s what this means. Left-wing extremists in Boston’s city
government have fully embraced anti-white segregation and discrimination.
And now these same politicians are hiding records about this racial
discrimination and abuse.
We’re battling the Left in court on this issue across the nation.
We are
suing
on behalf of San Francisco taxpayers over a city program which
discriminates in favor of biological black and Latino men who identify as
women in the distribution of tax money. The taxpayer lawsuit was filed
today against San Francisco Mayor London Breed, City Treasurer Jose
Cisneros, the director of the city’s Office of Transgender Initiatives,
and City Administrator Carmen Chu for violating the Equal Protection clause
of the California Constitution.
In October 2023, our open records request forced the release of
records
from the City of San Francisco showing the city prioritized tax money for
black and Latino transgenders (biological men) in the (GIFT)
program, which also allowed illegal aliens to apply; allowed people who
“engage in survival sex trades” to apply; and the use of the funds by
participants was virtually unrestricted.
In December 2023, the Minnesota Court of Appeals reversed the trial
court’s ruling and
allowed
our historic lawsuit filed on behalf of a Minneapolis taxpayer over a
teachers’ contract that provides discriminatory job protections to
certain racial minorities to proceed.
In May 2022, we
won
a court battle against California’s gender quota law for
corporate boards. The verdict came after a 28-day trial. The verdict
followed a
similar
ruling in Judicial Watch’s favor in April finding
California’s race, ethnicity and LGBT quotas or corporate boards
unconstitutional.
The City of Asheville, NC, in January 2022
settled
our federal civil rights lawsuit after agreeing to remove all racially
discriminatory provisions in a city-funded scholarship program.
Additionally, the city agreed to remove racially discriminatory eligibility
provisions in a related program that provides grants to educators.
U.S. Allots $15 Million to Help Nation that Hates America Fight Climate
Change
Biden’s bureaucrats come up with amazing ways to spend your tax dollars.
Our Corruption Chronicles blog reports
the latest outrage.
A South-Asian Islamic country well known as a recruiting ground for
terrorist groups such as Al-Qaeda Indian Subcontinent (AQIS) and the
Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) is getting $15 million from the
Biden administration to combat climate change. The money will flow through
a program called Enabling
Environment for Climate Resilience Activity (EECRA) launched by the
United States government specifically to create long term systemic shifts
in Bangladesh’s climate resilience. The generous allocation is necessary,
according to the government, because fully addressing the climate crisis
requires long term, transformative changes that affect every aspect of
society. And achieving it apparently requires millions of American taxpayer
dollars.
Before delving into the new overseas
U.S.-funded climate initiative, it is important to provide relevant
background about Bangladesh, a hotbed of terrorism. The Muslim nation is a
notorious terrorist recruiting ground that hates the U.S. Its history with
violent extremism goes back to the 1990s when veterans of the anti-Soviet
fight in Afghanistan returned to the country, according to the State
Department’s Overseas Security Advisory Council (OSAC). In its 2019
report, OSAC
writes that ISIS formally announced its foothold in Bangladesh back in 2015
and that anti-Western terrorist groups, some on the U.S. Government’s
list of foreign terrorist organizations, are active in Bangladesh,
including Harakat ul-Jihad-i-Islami/Bangladesh (HUJI-B),
Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh, AI, and ABT. “Terrorist groups continue
to communicate their desire to target Westerners in Bangladesh,”
according to the OSAC report. “ISIS threatened to continue discovering
security gaps and holes to target expats, tourists, diplomats, garment
buyers, missionaries, [and] sports teams in Bangladesh.” The State
Department has also determined that Bangladesh faces potential threats from
returning foreign fighters, citing the return of at least 50 Bangladeshi
citizens who traveled to Iraq and Syria to fight for ISIS.
Bangladesh is also notorious for violating
human rights, which the U.S. often cites as a deal breaker involving aid to
foreign governments. A few years ago, the Treasury Department sanctioned a
Bangladesh paramilitary force for committing serious human rights abuses.
Known as the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) the group is part of the
Bangladeshi government’s war on drugs and threatens U.S. national
security interests by undermining the rule of law and respect for human
rights and fundamental freedoms as well as the economic prosperity of the
people of Bangladesh, according to the U.S. “RAB is a joint task force
founded in 2004 and composed of members of the police, army, navy, air
force, and border guards,” the Treasury sanction explains, adding that
the unit and other Bangladeshi law enforcement are responsible for more
than 600 disappearances since 2009, nearly 600 extrajudicial killings since
2018, and torture. “Some reports suggest these incidents target
opposition party members, journalists, and human rights activists,” the
Treasury document states.
Another alarming tidbit is the surge in
Bangladeshi migrants trying to enter the U.S. via Mexico, presumably to
conduct attacks. A congressional probe made public a few years ago reveals that migrants from terrorist
nations are trying to enter the United States through the southern border
at record rates, including an astounding 300% increase in Bangladeshi
nationals attempting to sneak into the country through Texas alone. Shortly
after the congressional report was released, federal authorities arrested a
Mexican-based Bangladeshi smuggler in Houston and charged him with bringing
in 15 fellow countrymen through the Texas-Mexico border. His name is Milon
Miah and he lives in Tapachula, in the southeast Mexican state of Chiapas
bordering Guatemala.
Does this sound like a country that deserves
millions of our taxpayer dollars to fight climate change? In the recently
issued grant announcement the Biden administration claims there is a
“growing climate crisis” in the South-Asian nation and the allocation
will support strengthening a policy environment and governance structure
favorable for transformational changes in key systems aiming at net-zero
emissions and a climate-resilient Bangladesh. The U.S. assures that the
climate action it is funding in Bangladesh will distribute resources
equally among marginalized social groups and include underrepresented
communities that typically are most impacted by climate change. “Climate
change planning in Bangladesh is top-down and not inclusive,” according
to the grant announcement. “This activity will facilitate prioritizing and elevating the
voices of historically excluded communities, including marginalized and
underrepresented groups disproportionately affected by climate
change.”
Judicial Watch Fights to Keep Elections Honest
Micah Morrison, our chief investigative reporter, provides
a comprehensive look at our election integrity efforts in Investigative
Bulletin.
For more than a decade, Judicial Watch has been fighting to keep
elections free and fair. One of the key weapons in this battle is the
National Voter Registration Act. The NVRA directs the states to make “a
reasonable effort” to remove from voting rolls “the names of ineligible
voters” who have been disqualified from voting due to death or change of
residence. States—red and blue, Republican and Democrat—often dodge
this responsibility, creating opportunities for election fraud and opening
the door to illegal votes swinging close contests.
Judicial Watch holds the states accountable.
Legal pressure from Judicial Watch has resulted in the removal of more than four million ineligible
voters from voter rolls in New York,
California, Pennsylvania, Colorado, Kentucky, Ohio, and elsewhere. As
Judicial Watch President Tom Fitton puts it, “cleaner voter rolls mean
cleaner elections.”
But the work is far from complete.
Last year, we made inquiries to over a dozen
states about their voter rolls. In recent months, we put the District of
Columbia, Illinois, and California on notice that federal records
investigated by Judicial Watch indicate they are out of compliance with the
NVRA. That is, their voter rolls are dirty.
In September, we advised the
District of Columbia Board of Elections that according to federal records,
the district had removed no—none, zero, nada—voter registrations during
the last two-year reporting period due to change of residence. Voters can
be removed from the voting rolls for failing to respond to an address
confirmation notice and not voting in two consecutive federal elections.
“In our experience, and as a matter of common sense,” we noted,
“there is no possible way that the DC [Board of Elections] is complying
with the NVRA if it removed no registrations.”
The Board of Elections responded quickly. Citing data conversion and staffing issues, DC officials admitted
they had not complied with the NVRA. They removed 65,000 ineligible
registrations from the voter rolls, promised to remove an additional
38,000, designated another 73,000 as “inactive,” and pledged to do
more.
Judicial Watch has considerable experience
with dirty voter rolls in California. In 2019, we uncovered 1.6 million
inactive voters in Los Angeles County and forced LA to clean up its act.
In October, mining new federal data, we
advised
California Secretary of State Shirley Weber that the state again was in
violation of the NVRA. Data analyzed by Judicial Watch showed that
twenty-seven California counties removed five or fewer voter registrations
in two-year federal reporting period; that another nineteen counties
reported no data at all; and that twenty-one counties “have more voter
registrations than citizens of voting age.”
We wrote the California secretary of state
that both “common sense and Judicial Watch’s enforcement experience
confirm that there is no possible way California has complied with…the
key NVRA provision dealing with voters who have changed residence, when
forty-six of its fifty-seven counties either removed no or just a few
registrations under that provision, or failed to report removals at all,
for the past two reporting years.”
In November, we notified the
Illinois State Board of Elections that, based on a Judicial Watch analysis
of federal reporting data, “your office is currently in violation” of
the NVRA.
The numbers reported by Illinois were
ludicrously low. Twenty-three Illinois counties each reported removing
fewer than fifteen registrations. And thirty-four jurisdictions simply did
not bother to report any data at all. The fifty-seven counties contain more
than five million registered voters.
With those numbers, there is “no possible
way Illinois and the [State Board of Elections] have complied” with key
NVRA provisions, we advised state officials.
We also noted that Illinois registration
rates were unusually high. We compared federal data on registration rates
reported by Illinois to the U.S. Census Bureau’s estimate of Illinois
citizens over the age of eighteen. Our analysis concluded that “fifteen
Illinois jurisdictions have more voter registrations than citizens of
voting age.”
More voter registrations than citizens of
voting age: that’s an invitation to election fraud.
Illinois is a persistent thorn in the side
of free and fair elections. In July, we successfully settled another
election integrity lawsuit against the state. State officials had erected
significant roadblocks to access voter registration lists sought by state
residents—imposing strict limits on citizens’ ability to view and study
voter records. This was a clear violation of the NVRA, we said. Illinois’
restrictions—which required reviewing millions of registrations at one
time, on a single computer screen, in a single office, during business
hours—” make a mockery” of federal law, we argued.
A federal judge agreed.
Judicial Watch had made the case that Illinois law “conflicts with …
and frustrates the NVRA’s purpose of providing voter information to the
public to help ensure the accuracy and currency of voter registration
rolls,” wrote U.S. District Judge Sara Ellis.
In another Illinois election integrity case,
we went to federal court in 2022 on behalf of Congressman Mike Bost and other
voters to stop state officials from extending Election Day for two weeks
beyond the date established by federal law. “Despite Congress’ clear
statement regarding a single national Election Day,” we noted in our
brief, “Illinois has expanded Election Day by extending by 14 days the
date for receipt and counting of vote-by-mail ballots.”
“We’re supposed to have an Election Day,
not Election Weeks—or months,” said Judicial Watch President Tom
Fitton. The fourteen-day extension “is illegal, violates the civil rights
of voters, and encourages fraud.”
The federal District Court for the Northern
District of Illinois dismissed our case. It accepted the argument of state
officials that the fourteen-day extension caused no harm to Bost and
others. We appealed to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit,
saying that the new fourteen-day deadline “inflicted concrete,
particular, tangible and intangible injuries,” including considerable
expenditures of time and money in increased post-election costs. Read the
Judicial Watch legal briefs on the appeal here and
here.
Oral arguments at the Seventh Circuit are
expected soon, with a ruling by fall.
In Mississippi, as well, Judicial Watch is
taking on election laws that seek to extend voting beyond the single day
set by Congress. We filed a civil rights lawsuit challenging Mississippi’s law permitting absentee ballots to be
received up to five days after Election Day.
Our lawsuit notes that up to 1.7% of ballots
cast in Mississippi in 2020 were received after Election Day. “Counting
untimely, illegal, and invalid votes, such as those received [in
Mississippi] in violation of federal law, substantially increases the pool
of total votes cast and dilutes the weight of votes cast” on Election
Day.
Judicial Watch is committed to fighting for
voting integrity and voting rights anywhere we see a threat to free and
fair elections. Stay tuned in the coming months for updates on our cases in
Mississippi, Illinois, California, and the District of
Columbia.
Until Next Week,
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