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ORGANIZING IN GOOD TIMES AND BAD: WHAT WE NEED TO GET RIGHT  
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Karen Nussbaum
January 25, 2024
Convergence
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_ “In good times, organizations wrest and secure our gains. In bad
times, they help withstand the inevitable chaos from backlash,
repression and sectarianism.” _

Clerical workers in District 925, SEIU on strike against the
University of Cincinnati.,

 

When I visited Barcelona last spring, I took a guided tour about the
Spanish Civil War and later told my 99-year-old father about it.
Dad’s politics were those of a New Deal Democrat, so I was surprised
when he showed me his copy of the latest issue of _“The
Volunteer,”_ the newsletter of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade Archive,
and told me he had wanted to fight in Spain but couldn’t because he
was too young—he was still in grammar school.

The upheaval of the 1930s inspired millions of people like my father.
The legacy of those leftists was largely hidden from the generation of
activists like me coming up in the 1960s. They were inspired by a
vision of a better future rooted in class politics and anchored by
strong organization and activists experienced in strategy and tactics.

How do we take advantage of the current upheaval? Two organizing
efforts I’ve been part of—9to5 and the working women’s movement
starting in the 1970s, and Working America over the last 20 years—
have focused on building mass-based, cross-class, multi-racial
organizations, and inform the way I look at our challenges today.

Coming of age with “revolution in the air”

I saw a survey when I got to college in 1968 which found that one
million students in the US considered themselves revolutionaries.
While I wasn’t ready to describe myself that way, I sat in, dropped
out, went to Cuba on the Venceremos Brigade, came back, and cut my
hair short. I got a part-time job as a clerical worker to support my
full-time organizing against the war and for women’s liberation.

I participated fully in the often-chaotic anti-war movement.
Decision-making meetings attended by hundreds of people who heard
about it on the radio; meetings shut down over an arcane point
hammered by a small faction. We lacked experience in making strategic
decisions and building accountable structures.

We did our best to figure it out as we went along. A multi-layered
anti-war movement did help end the war, and the energy from more than
a decade of social movement organizing found new avenues. I soon
realized I could organize on my job as an office worker. We started a
newsletter in Boston we called “9to5” and knew we were on to
something when a secretary sent this letter to the editor: “I’ll
be called ‘girl’ til the day I retire without pension.”

Riding the women’s rights wave

We rode the wave of the demand for women’s rights and built a new
front of the women’s movement. Clerical work was the biggest
occupation for women, accounting for one out of every three jobs.
Women’s opportunities were so limited that it was an advantage for
organizing: working-class and middle-class women, women of color and
white women worked side by side.

We reached out to women who did not identify as feminists (“I’m no
women’s libber but….”), promoting the ideas of women’s
equality without the vocabulary. We handed out our newsletter at
subway stations and distributed surveys at big companies, sometimes
leaving a stack in the women’s bathrooms. Tear off slips “for more
information” poured into the office and our organizers often had
three recruitment lunches a day.

Our “Bad Boss” contests illuminated outrageous behavior. Twenty or
so members, along with the media, would confront the boss—like the
guy who made his secretary sew up a hole in his pants while he had
them on, or the boss who required his secretary to go to the local bar
and beep him if she found a woman who met his specifications—and
we’d be all over the 6 o’clock news. We filed charges with
government agencies and sued companies, and used public pressure to
boost the campaigns.

In Boston alone we won millions of dollars in better pay and
promotions in companies such as Houghton Mifflin, New England
Merchants Bank and First National Bank, and Liberty Mutual and John
Hancock insurance companies. (Years later, I was on a panel with a
John Hancock executive who had been the personnel director when we
targeted the company. He told me he had stayed in his office the night
before the campaign kick-off. I’m not sure how he thought this would
protect them.)

Our members gained skills running meetings, organizing events and
making speeches. We gave women experiences fighting together, pairing
Black, brown and white women, working-class and middle-class, old and
young as committee co-chairs and speakers at events. We inspired Jane
Fonda to make the movie “9 to 5” .which exploded the public
debate, doubled the number of our chapters and generated 100,000
inquiries to a TV PSA featuring Fonda.

At the same time we built an institutional home with bargaining power
in our sister union, SEIU 925. 9to5 members who organized for change
in their workplace would come up against the intransigence of their
employers and conclude they needed the power of a union to force them
to bargain. Other women came to us through our hotline, leading to
successful campaigns in universities, publishing houses, insurance
companies and more.

But we got crushed in the mid-1980s and ’90s.We didn’t recognize
the growing power of the right wing, promoted by Nixon and cemented by
Reagan. Globalization and new technology were the background for a new
wave of union-busting, a backlash against the women’s movement and a
continued assault on people of color.

We could have been smarter. I am not sure we could have been stronger.

Public opinion turned against global capitalism in the late
1990s—remember “Teamsters and turtles together forever!” at the
Seattle WTO demonstrations? But this impulse was crushed by the 2000
election, 9/11 and the “war on terror,” and the rising salience of
the religious right bolstered by born-again President George W. Bush.
“Guns, God and gays” became dominant issues.

Need and opportunity

At the AFL-CIO we saw a need and an opportunity. The Democratic Party
embrace of corporate globalization had working people reeling, and
white workers in particular were being sheared off by a right-wing
social agenda. But instead of riding a wave as we did in the ’70s,
we were bucking the tide.

Union members were less vulnerable to the right-wing appeal. Unions
were a trusted messenger on the economy, and members voted for the
unions’ endorsed candidates up to 70%. But their non-union neighbors
were flipping the other way. We had to reach people one by one,
bypassing the conservative media and institutions which were shaping
their views, become a trusted messenger and restore belief in
collective action

So in 2003 we created Working America as the community affiliate of
the AFL-CIO. In states like Pennsylvania, we canvassed working people
who usually had Fox News on the TV. We asked them “what’s the most
important issue to you?” In talking about the issues—health care,
jobs, education—we named outsized corporate power as the problem and
strength in numbers as the solution. A million people joined in the
first year. To this day, two out of three people join as members, who
hear from us year-round by text, social media, phone and mail.

Our four million members today are working-class, don’t have a union
on the job, and aren’t in any other progressive organization. Their
interaction with Working America varies—some may just remember the
nice canvasser who came to their door and heard them out, and welcome
them the next time they come around; others may read the messages we
send by email, text and social media on economic issues, and take
action by signing petitions or calling legislators. By the end of the
year, about 250,000 will be “peer mobilizers,” contacting family
and friends to help them access benefits like unemployment insurance,
low-income heating assistance, or broadband connectivity. Independent
analysis of our work proves what any organizer knows—membership
matters. Working America members are far more likely than people just
like them to vote for our endorsed candidates, take action on our
issues and change their views, including on race and sex.

Meeting the current upheaval

We’re now in another period of upheaval, with a swell of social
movements, and a labor movement revived with passionate organizing
and strategic strikes and contract fights. But we’re faced with
challenges. Social movements have been less likely to use their
momentum as a springboard and more likely to turn inward. Weak labor
laws limit the right to representation. And we’re being
out-organized by the right especially at the state and local level. We
can’t afford another cyclical setback.

I’m confident from a lifetime of organizing we can do what’s
needed. We can organize working class people across race and class on
scale, in good times and bad. We can touch their anger at capitalist
excess, and reawaken a belief in collective power. Our priorities
should be:

* Mass outreach, finding common ground on economic issues,
recruiting members into organizations that deliver good information
and economic gains year-round. That connection lays the groundwork for
tackling divisions around race, class and gender.

* Strengthen unions, the most diverse
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powerful organizations for working people, supporting union organizing
and labor law reform.

* Win in 2024 by shifting millions of dollars out of mass
communication and into organizations that will build to win, and build
to last.

My father was ignited by the fight against fascism led by the Left. In
Vivian Gornick’s book, _Romance of American Communism, _she
interviews people who were part of the American Communist Party
between the 1930s and ’50s. They offer a litany of what they got
wrong. But I was struck by something else they all agreed on: It was
thrilling to be in a movement with vision and discipline.

I’d add another element. A local labor leader told me, “We need
more organizations where people take minutes!” What she means is
organizations that are paid for and governed by their members, that
have mechanisms for accountability, and where members vote—including
on the minutes. In good times, organizations wrest and secure our
gains. In bad times, they help withstand the inevitable chaos from
backlash, repression and sectarianism. We need the organizations with
the vision and accountability that people like my once teen-aged
father will join today.

_Karen Nussbaum has been a labor organizer for more than 50 years. She
is a founder of 9to5, National Association of Working Women; District
925, SEIU; and Working America, AFL-CIO, where she is a senior
advisor._

_Convergence is a magazine for radical insights. We produce articles,
videos, and podcasts to sharpen our collective practice, lift up
stories about organizing, and engage in strategic debate — all with
the goal of winning multi-racial democracy and a radically democratic
economy._

* women workers
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* organizing
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* 9 to 5
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* SEIU
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* Working America
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