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During a recent discussion on migration figures on GB News, a fellow panellist pointed out that more people had arrived in 2022 alone than during the entire period between the arrival of the Angles and the Saxons and the Second World War. Sounds dramatic, doesn’t it?  


Here’s another way of looking at it. At the beginning of the 19th century, the population of England was less than 10 million people. It then grew by more than one per cent per annum throughout the century, so by 1900, the population had more than trebled to just over 30 million. Towards the end of the post-war Baby Boom, it had reached a level of 46 million people. It was the quarter-century from the early 1970s to the mid-to-late 1990s, the exception in modern history: a time of very little population growth.


Yes, I know. I am not suggesting that there is no difference between population growth through net migration, and indigenous population growth. There are perfectly valid concerns about integration and social cohesion, and people should be allowed to discuss them without fear of being branded racists.


There is no such thing as “the liberal view on immigration”: it is a subject on which liberals can and do disagree in good faith. The IEA’s output on this subject over the years reflects this diversity. It ranges from open-borders libertarianism to various proposals for light-touch immigration controls that incorporate market signals rather than relying exclusively on the wisdom of bureaucrats (see e.g. here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here and here).


But whatever our differences – we should all confront the nonsense idea that it physically or logistically impossible to cope with a growing population. When it comes to pressure on housing, there is this amazing, innovative technique called “building houses”. When it comes to transport and congestion, there is this radical idea called “building infrastructure”.


And so on. It can be done. It is being done elsewhere. Britain was once able to do it too.

Prohibition 2.0:

Critiquing the Generational Tobacco Ban


Christopher Snowdon

Head of Lifestyle Economics, Institute of Economic Affairs

  • The UK government is proposing a generational ban on tobacco sales to anyone born after 2008, overturning the fundamental principle that adults should have autonomy over their own bodies.

  • The generational ban will create absurd situations, such as a 28-year-old being deemed capable of purchasing tobacco, while a 27-year-old is not.

  • The ban will drive a black market for tobacco, which will reduce government revenue and bolster criminal gangs.

  • The likely trajectory of a generational tobacco ban is full prohibition across all age groups well before the legal smoking age encompasses the entire population.

  • Bhutan’s tobacco prohibition, the only example in the modern era, led to smuggling and a flourishing black market while smoking among minors remained common.

  • The government’s arguments for a ban, such as the preferences of smokers to quit and healthcare costs, do not stack up. In fact, a large number of smokers are not actively trying to quit while smokers contribute far more to the state through tobacco duty than smoking costs the NHS.

  • The emergence of e-cigarettes and other reduced-risk nicotine products is steadily diminishing the public’s demand for traditional tobacco, rendering cigarettes increasingly redundant without the need for a ban.

IEA Latest.

IEA Insider.

Should the UK adopt unilateral free trade?

Students for Liberty Madrid Conference

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