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Why Xi Jinping sounds friendlier to America - The Economist   

When invited to sum up the state of China’s relations with America, a close observer in Beijing drops a surprising literary reference, comparing the countries to damned souls sent to Hell in “Huis Clos” (“No Exit”), a play by Jean-Paul Sartre. In the gloomy Frenchman’s masterwork, Hell turns out to be an antique-filled sitting room peopled by unlikeable strangers. These wretches come to realise that they must endure each other’s company, and mutual contempt, for all eternity. The afterlife needs no red-hot pokers to be a torment, gasps one of Sartre’s sinners: “Hell is—other people!” The reference to existential angst by the observer in Beijing is more than startling. It is meant to be encouraging.

The case for optimism runs as follows. For two years Sino-American relations were dangerously dysfunctional. To protest, successively, against a visit to Taiwan by the then-speaker of the House of Representatives, Nancy Pelosi, and America’s shooting down of a Chinese spy balloon, China suspended high-level contacts for months. Both governments now accept that they are doomed to manage differences responsibly, as the world’s greatest economic and military powers, largest emitters of greenhouse gases and interdependent trading partners. That duty to co-exist is dictated by the judgment of history and by the expectations of other countries—even if leaders in Beijing and Washington have come to believe that their core value systems, and many of their most cherished ambitions, are incompatible.

Evidence to support optimism comes from a recent summit between the two countries’ presidents, Xi Jinping and Joe Biden, in an antique-filled mansion near San Francisco. At that meeting Mr Xi notably softened his tone towards America. The party chief has spent years declaring that the East is rising and the West is declining. In March of this year, Mr Xi told a meeting in Beijing that “Western countries led by the United States have contained and suppressed us in an all-round way.” In California he came close to conceding, for the first time, that China is engaged in an economic, technological and geopolitical contest with America, and has an obligation to agree on a set of rules and guardrails that might prevent that competition from veering into disaster. An official Chinese readout talks of the two powers “co-operating in areas of shared interest, and responsibly managing competitive aspects of the relationship”. That may seem arcane, but it is quite a concession. After all, Chinese envoys have spent the past few years declaring it illegitimate and intolerable for America to cast bilateral relations as a competition.

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