The House reconvened this week on Wednesday to consider more appropriations bills and several resolutions related to members of Congress.
We were presented with a privileged resolution brought by Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-GA) to censure Representative Rashida Tlaib (H.Res. 807) and also a privileged resolution brought by Representative Becca Balint (D-VT) to censure Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene (H.Res. 610), as well as motions to table (i.e., indefinitely postpone) consideration of these bills.
Until recently, Congressional censure was reserved for cases of the most severe ethics violations by a member of Congress. It has been used rarely. So, on Wednesday, I went to the floor planning to vote to table both motions. I did vote to table the motion relating to Representative Tlaib, which passed 222-186, after which the motions relating to Representative Greene were withdrawn.
Next, the House considered a motion to expel New York Representative George Santos from the House of Representatives (H.Res. 773). As you likely know, Congressman Santos has been indicted in federal court in New York on felony criminal charges. The House Ethics Committee is also conducting an investigation of allegations, and is expected to announce its findings on or before November 17 of this year.
Expulsion is the most serious remedy against a member of the House, and it requires the yes votes of two-thirds of the body. In our history, the House has expelled only five members—three for joining the Confederacy as traitors to the Union and two after they were convicted of serious criminal offenses.
Representative Santos has been charged with serious criminal offenses, but he has not yet been convicted or found to have violated the House ethics rules. And while I believe that he likely has engaged in fraudulent conduct and ethical violations, and that his resignation would be appropriate, I voted against the resolution to expel because he has not yet been found guilty in court or in the House process which is reaching its conclusion. Like many of my colleagues who are also lawyers, I believe it would set a precedent for expulsion without due process that would ultimately harm the institution and our representative democracy.
I do believe, however, that this question will come before the House again if Representative Santos is found guilty of the court charges or ethics charges, and I would vote to expel him at that time.
The House also considered and passed several pieces of legislation focusing on holding Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran accountable for their actions to destabilize the Middle East including: (1) the Hamas International Financing Prevention Act (H.R. 340) to impose targeted sanctions on foreign entities and governments assisting Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, or their affiliates, (2) resolution declaring it is the policy of the U.S. that a nuclear Iran is not acceptable (H.Res.559), and (3) the Stop Harboring Iranian Petroleum (SHIP) Act, H.R. 3774, to direct the President to impose secondary sanctions on foreign ports and refineries that process Iranian oil in violation of U.S. sanctions. I voted for each these bills, which passed the House on an overwhelmingly bipartisan basis.
The House passed a resolution condemning the support of Hamas, Hezbollah, and other terrorist organizations at institutions of higher education (H.Res.798). I voted for this resolution, which passed the House on an overwhelmingly bipartisan basis. The resolution passed the Senate by a voice vote last week, and will now head to the President’s desk for signature.
Also on Thursday, the House voted on the Israel Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2024, H.R. 6126. If enacted, the bill would send $14.3 billion to Israel and purportedly pay for this spending with $14.5 billion in funding cuts to the Internal Revenue Service (IRS). The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office released a cost estimate that H.R. 6126 would worsen the deficit because it would reduce the IRS’s capacity to collect revenue: the $14.3 billion of rescissions would reduce revenue collection by $26.8 billion over the next decade, resulting in a $12.5 billion net cost.
President Biden has requested, and I support, emergency assistance for our allies, Israel and Ukraine, and other national security priorities. This bill, however, represents a cynical political effort rather than the serious, bipartisan one we should undertake at this critical moment. By separating national security funding for our allies, conditioning funding, and eliminating humanitarian assistance to vulnerable populations, including the Palestinian and Israeli civilians impacted by the violence of war, this bill fails to meet the moment and the needs of the people who are waiting on us to act. By failing to provide funding for humanitarian assistance, a moral and strategic imperative, the omissions in this bill undermine efforts for resolution and long-term peace in the region.
Congress has a long history of passing emergency supplemental funding bills, and support for Israel, on a bipartisan basis and without conditions. At a moment like this, Democrats and Republicans must stand together to pass a bipartisan emergency aid bill without conditions. I expect the Senate to pass a different bill with aid for Israel and other allies that does not have any conditions attached and that includes humanitarian aid. I am ready to vote for such a bill.
(I will also note that demanding partisan offsets in return for national security and emergency aid set a dangerous precedent, especially for potential disaster in the future. In 2013, Republican demands for offsets led by Senator Cruz delayed Superstorm Sandy aid for months. Setting this precedent could prevent Houstonians from obtaining disaster recovery funding for our district when we need it most.)
In addition to all of these important matters, we also considered two appropriations bills this week, debating and voting until late in the evening. First, we considered the Legislative Branch Appropriations Act, 2024, H.R. 4364. I voted against it because it decreases funding by 4.7 percent and undermines the progress Congress has made in recent years to be a more diverse and inclusive body, eliminating all funding for the House Office of Diversity and Inclusion, prohibiting funding across the Legislative Branch for diversity, equity, and inclusion training or implementation, and preventing the federal government from addressing discrimination against married same-sex couples.
On Thursday and Friday, the House considered several amendments brought forth by my Republican colleagues to the Department of the Interior, Environment, and Related Agencies Appropriations Act, 2024, H.R. 4821. I voted against each of the amendments, which sought to completely cut or severely cut funding to critical programs like the Environmental Protection Agency’s Clean School Bus Program, the Bureau of Land Management, and the National Endowment for the Arts. On Friday, we voted on final passage of the bill. The amendments included in this legislation and the bill itself would endanger public health, slash funding for our national parks, and eliminate key programs from the Inflation Reduction Act like the Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund, which supports investments for communities to lower their carbon emissions and incentivize energy project development. It would also strip more than $66 million away from grants in Texas from the Clean Drinking Water Revolving Fund, making it harder for people to access clean and safe drinking water. For these reasons, I voted against the legislation.
As a reminder, you can find a list of all of the votes I have taken for the district on my website.