[The Red Scare and the fall of the IWW. A new history examines the
lost promise and fierce persecution of the IWW.]
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ONE BIG UNION  
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Michael Kazin
May 15, 2023
The Nation
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_ The Red Scare and the fall of the IWW. A new history examines the
lost promise and fierce persecution of the IWW. _

Big Bill Haywood, Adolph Lessing, and Carlo Tresca, Paterson, New
Jersey, 1913. , Walter P. Reuther Library

 

In Butte, Mont., masked men woke up radical labor organizer Frank
Little, dragged him from their car, and then hanged his lifeless body
from a railroad bridge. In Bisbee, Ariz., the county sheriff organized
a gun-wielding posse that packed more than 1,000 striking miners into
boxcars and sent them nearly 200 miles into the New Mexico desert
without food or water. In the state of Washington, a local jury
convicted several working men of murder after they defended their
union hall from an armed raid by American Legionnaires, four of whom
were killed in the fracas. In Chicago, a federal court found all 101
national leaders of that same union guilty of conspiring to violate
the Espionage Act, passed to criminalize opposition to World War I.
The trial judge sentenced most of them to lengthy terms in prison,
where abuse against anti-war dissenters was common.

UNDER THE IRON HEEL: THE WOBBLIES AND THE CAPITALIST WAR ON RADICAL
WORKERS By Ahmed White 

Buy this book [[link removed]]

All of the victims belonged to a single, and singular, organization:
the Industrial Workers of the World. Founded in 1905, the Wobblies set
forth on a revolutionary mission. By engaging in frequent strikes and
constant agitation, they would gradually persuade wage earners of
every race, immigrant group, and gender to join their “One Big
Union.” By demonstrating their ability to wrest higher pay and
better treatment from recalcitrant employers, workers led by the
Wobblies would learn the virtue of class solidarity. Then, some
glorious day, the IWW predicted, all this organizing would pay off:
Workers would show their bosses the door, take possession of every
factory, mine, warehouse, and office, and run the economy for the
benefit of all.

The Wobblies were Marxist in their analysis of capitalism but
anarcho-syndicalist in the kind of society they yearned to establish:
The state, they argued, should be replaced by a revolutionary union.
In the catchy phrase of their best-known leader, William “Big
Bill” Haywood, the IWW would be “socialism with its working
clothes on.” That romantic vision—backed up by courageous,
militant organizing—earned the admiration of such popular writers on
the left as Upton Sinclair, John Reed, Helen Keller, and Jack London,
and a membership as high as 100,000.

What excited many radicals about the IWW at its creation was the brash
alternative it posed to the dominant forces in the labor movement and
on the left, which had failed to mount a serious challenge to
corporate rule. IWW leaders condemned the American Federation of Labor
(AFL), a bastion of skilled craftsmen, for doing little to organize
most industrial wage earners, and its leader, Samuel Gompers, for
favoring mediation with employers instead of realizing that “the
working class and the employing class have nothing in common.” And
although the Wobblies did not tend to condemn the Socialist Party,
which ran candidates in races throughout the nation, neither did they
think one could topple the capitalist state by playing its rigged
electoral game.

During the first decade of its existence, the IWW incurred the hatred
of capitalists, the cops, and politicians from both major parties by
signing up some of the poorest workers in the United States and
leading them in at least 150 strikes. The Wobblies periodically
disrupted production from the silk mills of Paterson, N.J., to the
wheat fields of the Great Plains and the forests of the Pacific
Northwest. They also insisted on their right to speak, without a
permit, to crowds on the streets of the cities where they organized.
Such actions led the authorities to throw thousands of Wobblies and
their supporters in jail. The persecution intensified after the United
States plunged into the Great War in 1917, when the IWW refused to
stop calling for and leading strikes. By 1920, the Wobblies were
broken, with most of their leaders in jail and their members hounded
as pariahs. The organization survived, but it never recovered.

In _Under the Iron Heel_, Ahmed White memorializes the One Big Union
by telling the lamentable story of its crushing during World War I and
the Red Scare that followed. A law professor, White focuses on the
legal means by which the state—on the federal, state, and local
levels—tormented and persecuted its members, while offering an
extended brief in defense of what the IWW was struggling to
accomplish. He takes his title from _The Iron Heel_, a dystopian 1908
novel by Jack London about an anti-worker “Oligarchy” whose brutal
rule presaged the history of fascism. Proceeding state by state and
trial by trial, White describes, in vivid prose, “the vast scale and
comprehensive reach” of this repression by governments and private
employers, illustrating “how in wrecking lives it also wrecked the
union.” While White’s narrative of this legal assault is
impressive, he does not wrestle with the ways in which the IWW’s own
ideology and tactics limited its growth and gave its enemies an excuse
to attack it. The same Wobblies who could be such skillful organizers
did little to build a strong and durable organization.

In White’s telling, the most powerful legal weapon that prosecutors
used to pummel the Wobblies was a new breed of laws designed for just
that purpose: acts to punish “criminal syndicalism.” The statute,
first passed overwhelmingly by the Idaho Legislature in 1917, set the
precedent for other states. The bill, White explains, “made it a
felony…to advocate or organize for, become a member of, or assemble
with any organization that advocated” the newly created crime of
using “violence, terrorism, and, notably sabotage” to bring about
“social change.”

Since the IWW’s publications did, at times, advise unhappy workers
to try a bit of sabotage when their foremen or bosses sought to
lengthen their hours or decrease their pay, the new laws threw the
union on the defensive. “The class struggle is a physical struggle
and depends on physical force,” one IWW journalist wrote. A
claw-brandishing “sab cat,” hued either tabby or black, had
appeared on countless Wobbly leaflets and stickers. Organizers gently
prodded workers to snarl up a machine or rip up sacks of grain. Yet
while the union’s rhetoric and imagery often welcomed physical
conflict, rank-and-file members rarely resorted to violence, even
during strikes; they knew their heavily armed adversaries could quash
their movement if they did.

In the end, however, although the IWW’s members rarely used
sabotage, they were routinely prosecuted for allegedly threatening to
do so. Cowed by the letter of the criminal-syndicalism laws, few
juries had the courage to acquit defendants whose only true crime was
to encourage working people to defend their interests, albeit in
militant ways. Hundreds were arrested and jailed under these laws, and
many more dropped out of the movement for fear of facing a prosecution
that could have destroyed their lives.

For historians of this era, the story that White tells is, in broad
terms, a familiar one. Melvyn Dubofsky devoted several chapters to the
IWW’s “Trials and Tribulations” in _We Shall Be All_, his
comprehensive study of the union, published back in 1969. Adam
Hochschild describes some of the same outrages in _American
Midnight_, his luminous new saga of the tyranny visited on left-wing
dissenters of all stripes during and after the United States entered
the First World War.

But no one before White has given us such a precise and passionate
account of the IWW’s ordeal. He introduces little-known Wobbly
organizers, explains the deeds that got them into such trouble with
their powerful enemies, and then follows them into prison and, often,
to their deaths. After being found guilty of criminal syndicalism, a
California activist named Abe Shocker was dispatched to San Quentin.
He resisted orders to work in the prison jute mill and was thrown into
a dungeon, where he endured “weeks in darkness, on bread and water,
with no bed or chair, only rags and straw on a wet floor.” Driven
insane by his time in that hellhole, Shocker killed himself.

White also sketches engaging profiles of the attorneys who toiled for
the union’s cause. One was Caroline Lowe, who studied law at a
Socialist college in Kansas, then represented many Wobblies in court
for free while also finding time to raise funds for their defense.
Lowe belongs on any honor roll of unsung heroes of the left.

White’s account of these forgotten dissenters is stirring. So too
are his tales of the injustices that the Wobblies suffered, and there
is no doubt this ferocious storm of legal persecution hobbled the
union’s ability to wage effective strikes and attract new members.
But though White notes that the IWW’s membership was “surging”
in the months just before and after Congress declared war on Germany,
even at the union’s zenith, no more than 5 percent of the nation’s
union members were in its fold. Many of them signed up for a
particular organizing push or work stoppage and then drifted away.

To continue striking during wartime did make the Wobblies vulnerable
to repression, of course. But the failure to maintain their earlier
momentum was not solely due to the iron heel of the state. Despite its
adamant opposition to the war, the Socialist Party continued to wage
election campaigns and denounce the draft. The administration of
President Woodrow Wilson censored the party’s newspapers and banned
some from the mail, and several of its most prominent spokespeople,
such as Eugene Debs and Kate Richards O’Hare, were convicted under
the Espionage Act and spent years in federal prison. But in the fall
of 1917, Morris Hillquit, a union attorney and a leading voice in the
party on international affairs, ran for mayor of New York City on an
anti-war platform and won close to 25 percent of the vote in a
four-way contest. Persecution by the state, however severe, was not
the only reason the Wobblies were incapable of building their
organization into the One Big Union of their dreams.

In his narration of the Wobblies’ travails during the war years,
White fails to look inward as well. It was not just the state and
employers that hampered their efforts but also the union’s ideology
and freewheeling style, which kept it from becoming a serious
alternative to the AFL, much less getting anywhere close to realizing
a syndicalist future. Time and again, IWW organizers made daring
efforts to mobilize some of the poorest workers in the nation but left
no lasting presence of their power behind. Typically, the organizers
would arrive on the scene, inspire people who made little and owned
nothing to lay down their tools and abandon their machines, and then
did little to counter the weapons, legal and otherwise, arrayed
against them. Abjuring any truce in the class war, the Wobblies
refused to sign contracts with employers or build many stable locals,
and as a result, their beachheads of militancy soon disappeared.

A prime example was the big 1912 strike in the textile town of
Lawrence, Mass., which White mentions only in passing. In midwinter,
14,000 workers walked out into the grimy snow to protest a pay cut at
a string of woolen mills along the Merrimack River. The workers hailed
from dozens of nations and spoke as many languages. They were able to
hold out until spring, thanks to a strike committee as clever as it
was energetic. Each sizable ethnic group sprouted its own relief
brigade, providing food, medicine, and clothing to the workers and
their families. The strike committee also diligently raised funds from
supporters in Eastern cities, where compassion for the underdog ran
strong. Friends of the union arranged for hundreds of kids whose
parents were on the picket lines to stay with middle-class families in
New York and Philadelphia.

About two weeks after this “Children’s Crusade” had begun, local
police blocked a large group of children who had gathered at the train
station with their mothers and sponsors from embarking for
Philadelphia. According to eyewitnesses, “The police…closed in on
us with clubs, beating right and left…. The mothers and children
were thus hurled in a mass and bodily dragged to a military truck, and
even then clubbed, irrespective of the cries of the panic-stricken
women and children.”

Three weeks later, battered by awful press coverage, the company
essentially surrendered: In all six mills that had met with the strike
committee, workers got a big wage increase and the mill owners agreed
not to discriminate against any employee who had walked off the job.
“The strikers of Lawrence,” declared Big Bill Haywood, “have won
the most signal victory of any organized body of workers in the
world.”

The euphoria did not last long. A year following this triumph, the
polyglot proletariat of Lawrence was once more at the mercy of its
employers. Haywood and his fellow IWW leaders had left town soon after
the strike to fan the flames of revolt elsewhere in America. The firms
in Lawrence temporarily closed down several mills and encouraged each
immigrant group to compete with the others for the jobs that remained.
In the 1930s, employers did come to terms with a union. But this one
was the Textile Workers of America, an affiliate of the new Congress
of Industrial Organizations (CIO), which signed a contract with the
companies and won higher wages and better working conditions for its
members.

The Lawrence uprising had been a thing of beauty for the textile
workers and their radical spokespeople. Upton Sinclair dubbed it the
“Bread and Roses” strike, after a contemporary poem which remarked
that “hearts starve as well as bodies.” But the aftermath of the
strike revealed that, for all its romantic élan, the IWW did not know
how to win.

White is not merely a sympathetic historian of the Wobblies; he shares
their politics and hails them as oracles of radical defeat. What the
“story” of the war on the IWW “really does,” he writes, “is
confirm the Wobblies’ own, darker anticipations as to the nature of
capitalist rule, which align with the dismal fate of the labor
movement and the radical left since the IWW’s decline, as well as
the prophecies of the Wobblies’ most famous champion” ]Jack
London.

The historical reality defies this fatalistic judgment. With the help
of mass strikes and liberal politicians like Robert Wagner and
Franklin Roosevelt, the “dismal” labor movement, spearheaded by
both the AFL and the CIO, signed up 15 million workers by the middle
of the 20th century. Its unions won job security and decent pay for
most of their members—none of which the Wobblies managed to achieve
for more than a small number of their members.

Of course, the American left has certainly not triumphed, but its
vision and organizing played an essential role in winning Social
Security and Medicare, the Civil Rights and Voting Rights acts, and
marriage equality—while radicals are among the leaders of today’s
exciting, if still quite modest, revival of union organizing. And if
the state had outlawed all opposition to capitalist domination, as
London feared, neither White’s book nor this magazine would get
published today.

The repression of the Wobblies was indeed a tragedy—the vicious
squelching of an organization that strove, however imperfectly, to
better the lives of working people—as well as a blatant violation of
the First Amendment. But White’s pro-Wobbly take on the history of
the last century undercuts the power of his meticulously documented
and well-crafted narrative.

“When the union’s inspiration through the workers’ blood shall
run / There can be no power greater anywhere beneath the sun” begins
“Solidarity Forever,” the famous anthem written by Ralph Chaplin,
the IWW’s poet laureate. For unions to boom again, they will need a
brigade of organizers committed to the ideal of class equality. But
without a realistic strategy for persuading millions to join
them—and for overcoming the resistance of their powerful foes in
politics, the courts, and the corporate suites—that vision will
never come to pass.

_Copyright c 2023 The Nation. Reprinted with permission. May not be
reprinted without__ permission_
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Distributed by__ _PARS International Corp
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_MICHAEL KAZIN is a professor of history at Georgetown University and
emeritus coeditor of Dissent. His most recent book, What It Took to
Win: A History of the Democratic Party, has just been released in
paperback._

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* Labor
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* U.S. history
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* Wobblies
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* unions
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* class
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* Strikes
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* AFL-CIO
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* Espionage Act
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* World War I
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